Coping with the Unwanted Past in Planned Socialist Towns: Visaginas, Tychy, and Nowa Huta

应对计划社会主义城镇中不受欢迎的过去：维萨吉纳斯、蒂奇和诺瓦胡塔

The article examines three cases of planned socialist towns: Visaginas in Lithuania and Tychy and Nowa Huta in Poland. The planned socialist towns, products of the socialist urban planning, were known as the workers‟ towns in the workers‟ state and as the outposts of socialism. After the fall of their respective socialist regimes, however, it became necessary to redefine the identities of these towns in order to cope with the socialist past. While the issue of socialist heritage has been researched by scholars, this research addresses an existing gap in the theory – how socialist heritage is presently used in those planned socialist towns that have little other symbolic recourse available. This paper examines the content of various institutionally produced materials, such as websites, tourism brochures, photo albums, and guided tours. The research reveals different strategies used in planned socialist towns to redefine their identities: i) active forgetting of the socialist past; ii) commercialization of the socialist past via tourism; iii) ironic imitation of the West, vis-à-vis de–ideologized images of “green and young” towns; and iv) bifurcation of consciousness into private remembrance and public forgetting of the past. The article presents the findings of the research project, „Transformations of the Socialist Urban Utopias‟, funded by CERGE-EI (Centre for Economic Research and Graduate Education – Economics Institute) Foundation, Prague, Czech Republic

本文考察了三个计划社会主义城镇的案例：立陶宛的维萨吉纳斯和波兰的蒂奇和诺瓦胡塔。计划中的社会主义城镇是社会主义城市规划的产物，被称为工人国家的工人城镇和社会主义的前哨站。然而，在各自的社会主义政权垮台后，有必要重新定义这些城镇的身份，以应对社会主义的过去。虽然学者们对社会主义遗产问题进行了研究，但这项研究解决了理论上存在的一个缺口——社会主义遗产目前如何在那些几乎没有其他象征性资源的计划社会主义城镇中使用。本文考察了各种机构制作的材料的内容，如网站、旅游手册、相册和导游。这项研究揭示了计划中的社会主义城镇在重新定义其身份时采用的不同策略：i）主动遗忘社会主义的过去；二）通过旅游业将社会主义历史商业化；iii）讽刺地模仿西方，反对“绿色和年轻”城镇的非意识形态化形象；（iv）意识分为私人记忆和公众遗忘过去。本文介绍了研究项目的成果，“社会主义城市乌托邦的转变”，由CelgEI（经济研究和研究生教育中心-经济学研究所）基金会资助，捷克共和国布拉格。

INTRODUCTION

From 1917 to 1990, socialist authorities built many so-called planned socialist towns across the Eastern bloc, both in the USSR and in the satellite socialist states of Central and Eastern Europe. During this period, such towns served to showcase socialism: they represented the workers‘ towns within the workers‘ state. After the fall of the socialist system, however, the towns not only fell into a state of great economic uncertainty, but also had to try to redefine their place identity. Place identity refers to an institutionally produced and/or institutionally supported discourse about a place, which, unlike individual opinions or group interests, is constructed on the basis of historical heritage. After the collapse of their socialist regimes, the planned socialist towns had to cope with their socialist past and somehow incorporate it into their new place identity.

介绍

从1917年到1990年，社会主义当局在苏联以及中欧和东欧的社会主义卫星国，在整个东欧集团建立了许多所谓的计划社会主义城镇。在这一时期，这些城镇展示了社会主义：它们代表工人国家中的工人城镇。然而，在社会主义制度崩溃后，城镇不仅陷入了巨大的经济不确定性状态，而且还不得不尝试重新定义其地方身份。场所认同是指一种制度上产生和/或制度上支持的关于一个场所的论述，与个人观点或群体利益不同，它是建立在历史遗产的基础上的。在社会主义政权崩溃后，计划中的社会主义城镇必须应对其社会主义的过去，并以某种方式将其纳入新的地方身份。

This article examines three cases of planned socialist towns: Visaginas in Lithuania and Nowa Huta and Tychy in Poland. The aim of the research is to shed some light on how planned Socialist towns cope with their Socialist heritage and how this heritage has been incorporated into their new identity by looking analytically at institutionally produced materials (municipality websites, tourism brochures, guided tours, photo albums, and so on). While the issue of Socialist heritage in post-Socialist states has already been analyzed from different academic perspectives, this paper addresses an existing gap in the current research – namely, the issue of socialist heritage in planned socialist towns that have few, if any, symbolic references aside from the socialist ones.

本文考察了三个计划社会主义城镇的案例：立陶宛的维萨吉纳斯和波兰的诺瓦胡塔和蒂奇。研究的目的是通过分析机构制作的材料（市政网站、旅游手册、导游、相册等），揭示计划中的社会主义城镇如何应对其社会主义遗产，以及这些遗产如何融入其新身份。虽然已经从不同的学术角度对后社会主义国家的社会主义遗产问题进行了分析，但本文解决了当前研究中存在的一个缺口，即计划社会主义城镇中的社会主义遗产问题，除了社会主义城镇外，几乎没有（如果有的话）象征性的参考。

“DISSONANCE HERITAGE”: DEALING WITH THE UNWANTED PAST IN POST-SOCIALIST STATES “不和谐遗产”：处理后社会主义国家不想要的过去

After the political transformations of 1990, the newly emerging post-socialist states of the former Eastern Bloc were obliged to reorganize and reform their political and economic systems, redefine their collective and place identity, and find ways to deal with their largely unwanted socialist pasts. The result has been a ‗veritable orgy of historical revisionism, of writing the socialist period out of the past‘,1 an ongoing negotiation of ‗[what is] privileged to be remembered, what is officially disregarded, and what, in spite of official efforts at suppression, resists forgetting‘.2

1990年政治转型后，前东方集团新兴的后社会主义国家不得不重组和改革其政治和经济制度，重新定义其集体和地方身份，并找到办法处理其基本上不受欢迎的社会主义过去。其结果是“名副其实的历史修正主义狂欢，把社会主义时期从过去写下来”，1正在进行的谈判是“有幸被记住的东西，被官方忽视的东西，以及尽管官方努力镇压，但抵制遗忘的东西”

The theme of identity is closely linked to the issues of heritage. Heritage is ‗the contemporary use of the past‘.3 Through museums and other heritage sites, foreign tourists can be told the ―national story‖, presented in such a way as to affirm and reinforce the national identity and self-image. The construction of identity is integrally bound to tourism discourses that seem to claim: ―here is what we are (or were).‖ Thus the construction of tourism discourses is, in itself, a process aimed at constructing an identity.4 Identities are produced and affirmed by the images and representations of a country constructed (or reproduced) for foreign tourists.5

身份主题与遗产问题密切相关。遗产是“对过去的当代使用”。3通过博物馆和其他遗产地，外国游客可以被告知“国家故事”，以肯定和强化国家身份和自我形象的方式呈现。身份的建构与似乎声称“我们是（或曾经是）”的旅游语篇紧密相连。因此，旅游语篇的建构本身就是一个旨在建构身份的过程。4身份是由一个国家建构（或复制）的形象和表征产生和确认的适合外国游客

Since 1990, there has been a growing amount of literature on tourism of the socialist heritage. The socialist heritage, which is in conflict with the new post-socialist identity, represents the unwanted past and the previous (denounced) political regime; as such it is referred to as a ‗dissonance heritage‘.6 The nostalgia for the past might be experienced in different ways (for instance, with movies, museums, food brands, etc.); however, this does not mean that there is an actual desire to return to the past. Although some fractions of the population might have their own radicalized and nostalgic version of the past, the institutionalized memory, place identity and the use of the heritage depends on institutionally produced (or at least institutionally supported) discourses. In the former GDR, nostalgia for certain aspects of socialist life is known under the term of Ostalgie (derived from the German words Ost, east, and Nostalgie, nostalgia), which is expressed mainly via popular culture (such as in the 2003 German tragicomedy Good Bye, Lenin and music trends such as Ostrock) and socialist brands such as Vita Cola. While the phenomenon of Ostalgie has been analyzed by many authors, a few of whom are worthy of mention,7 certain countries have a more ambivalent relation with their socialist past.8

自1990年以来，关于社会主义遗产旅游的文献越来越多。与新的后社会主义身份相冲突的社会主义遗产代表了不受欢迎的过去和先前（被谴责的）政治政权；因此，它被称为“不和谐遗产”。6对过去的怀旧可能以不同的方式体验（例如，电影、博物馆、食品品牌等）；然而，这并不意味着有回到过去的实际愿望。尽管部分人口可能对过去有自己的激进和怀旧版本，但制度化的记忆、地方身份和遗产的使用取决于制度上产生的（或至少制度上支持的）话语。在前民主德国，对社会主义生活某些方面的怀旧被称为Ostalgie（源自德语单词Ost、east和怀旧、怀旧），主要通过流行文化（如2003年的德国悲喜剧《再见》、《列宁》和Ostrock等音乐潮流）和Vita Cola等社会主义品牌来表达。虽然许多作者分析了奥斯塔尔吉现象，其中一些值得一提，但7某些国家与其社会主义历史的关系更为矛盾。8

The process of coping with the ambivalent and largely unwanted past, or ‗dissonant heritage‘, has been analyzed. Ivanov9 examines socialist heritage tourism in Bulgaria; Otto10 works on representations of socialist heritage in Poland; Scribner,11 Betts,12 Castillo,13 and Berdahl14 focus their attention on museums and memory in the former GDR; Light15 analyzes the socialist heritage tourism in Romania, Hungary, and Germany; Coles16 examines ―place promotion‖ in post-socialist Leipzig; lastly, Young and Kaczmarek17 analyze transformations of post-socialist urban identities by looking specifically at the case of Lodz, Poland.

我们分析了处理矛盾和基本上不受欢迎的过去或“不和谐遗产”的过程。Ivanov9考察保加利亚的社会主义遗产旅游；Otto10波兰社会主义遗产代表作品；Scribner、11 Betts、12 Castillo、13和Berdahl14将注意力集中在前民主德国的博物馆和记忆上；Light15分析了罗马尼亚、匈牙利和德国的社会主义遗产旅游；Coles16考察了后社会主义时代莱比锡的“地方推广”；最后，Young和Kaczmarek17通过特别关注波兰罗兹的案例，分析后社会主义城市身份的转变。

Post-socialist societies deal with their unwelcome socialist past in various ways. Young and Kaczmarek18 distinguish three strategies in reconstructing place identity: 1) decommunization; 2) return to the pre-Socialist ―Golden Age‖; and 3) Westernization/Europeanization of the town. Trying to construct new identities, post-socialist communities look back to a pre-socialist ―Golden Age‖, based on their pre-socialist heritage (palaces, castles, churches, monasteries, etc.), their culturally rich and glorious past, and their roots in history, which give a feeling of identity, stability, and continuity. This strategy was successfully applied in such post-socialist towns as Banska Bystrica, Slovakia;19 Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina;20 Tallinn, Estonia;21 Novgorod, Russia;22 and Warsaw, Poland.23 It is obvious that such towns, having long pre-socialist history and rather rich pre-socialist heritage, can cope with the unwanted past and establish their new identities easily.

后社会主义社会以各种方式处理其不受欢迎的社会主义历史。Young和Kaczmarek18区分了三种重建场所身份的策略：1）去交流；2） 回归社会主义前的“黄金时代”；3）城镇的西化/欧化。为了构建新的身份，后社会主义社区回顾了前社会主义时期的黄金时代，其基础是前社会主义时期的遗产（宫殿、城堡、教堂、修道院等）、文化丰富和辉煌的过去以及历史根源，这给人一种身份感、稳定性和连续性。这一战略成功地应用于后社会主义城镇，如斯洛伐克的班斯卡·比斯特里卡；19莫斯塔尔，波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那；20爱沙尼亚塔林；俄罗斯诺夫哥罗德21号；22和波兰华沙。23很明显，这些城镇有着悠久的前社会主义历史和相当丰富的前社会主义遗产，可以很容易地应对不必要的过去并建立新的身份。

At the same time, these post-socialist towns try to assert themselves as European/Western – open, liberal, contemporary, and modern. Usually it means accentuating the town‘s connection with Europe, its good infrastructure, business-friendly climate, qualified human resources, latest technologies, environmentally friendly industries, and so on. Some authors refer to the status of the European Capital of Culture (granted to Krakow in 2000 and Vilnius in 2009)24 or to the remodelling of the town by world-renowned architects, as was the case with Berlin.25 Driven by the desire to be more ―Western‖, the post-socialist towns are now emphasizing their links with the rest of Europe and rejecting associations with the Cold War era: in other words, the stress is on their ―Western‖ nature and away from the politically-tainted boundary between Western and Eastern Europe. Therefore, the construction of new identities involves the deconstruction of the identities created during the socialist period. Decommunization means the erasure of the socialist past from urban space through the removal of the cultural landscapes of socialism, changing street names and demolishing socialist-era statues. Researchers agree that in many cases the socialist period is simply erased and the present is directly linked to the Golden Age of the pre-socialist past. This phenomenon is known as ―the sleeping beauty complex‖, and consists in rhetorical acts such as, for instance, envisioning the reawakening of the past national glory,26 or using metaphors of the ―West‖ as a ―knight in shining armor‖ arriving to awake Eastern Europe from its slumbers.27

与此同时，这些后社会主义城镇试图宣称自己是欧洲/西方——开放、自由、现代和现代。通常这意味着强调该镇与欧洲的联系、良好的基础设施、友好的商业气候、合格的人力资源、最新技术、环保产业等等。一些作者提到了欧洲文化之都的地位（2000年授予克拉科夫，2009年授予维尔纽斯）24或世界著名建筑师对该镇的改造，柏林就是一例。25出于更“西方化”的愿望，后社会主义城镇现在强调与欧洲其他地区的联系，拒绝与冷战时代的联系：换句话说，重点在于它们的“西方”性质，远离西欧和东欧之间政治污点重重的边界。因此，新身份的建构涉及到对社会主义时期创造的身份的解构。隔离意味着通过移除社会主义文化景观、改变街道名称和拆除社会主义时代的雕像，从城市空间中抹去社会主义的过去。研究人员一致认为，在许多情况下，社会主义时期被简单地抹去，而现在与前社会主义时代的黄金时代直接相关。这一现象被称为“睡美人情结”，包括一些修辞行为，例如，想象过去的国家荣耀重新苏醒，26或将“西方”比喻为“身穿闪亮盔甲的骑士”，将东欧从沉睡中唤醒。27

While post-socialist societies tend to silence their past and identify themselves as modern and European, Western societies tend to see them as semi-oriental, i.e., different, deficient, dangerous, or exotic.28 Light29 argues that travel guides written for Western tourists promote Bucharest‘s legacy of communism, while local tourism promotion within Romania is focused on its pre-socialist tradition and expresses no interest in its socialist heritage. This situation creates a dilemma which Tunbridge30 describes as ―identity versus economy‖, or, to use Dujisin‘s famous quotation, ‗Forget communism…. or sell it‘.31

后社会主义社会倾向于沉默过去，将自己定位为现代和欧洲社会，而西方社会则倾向于将其视为半东方社会，即不同、匮乏、危险或异国情调。28 Light29认为，为西方游客编写的旅游指南宣传布加勒斯特的共产主义遗产，而罗马尼亚国内的当地旅游业推广则侧重于其前社会主义传统，对其社会主义遗产不感兴趣。这种情况造成了一种困境，Tunbridge30将其描述为“身份与经济”，或者，用杜吉辛的名言来说，“忘记共产主义……”…。或者卖掉它

The dilemma is resolved through the decontextualization of the socialist heritage, i.e., removing the socialist symbols from the ―normal‖ environment of daily life and creating a certain physical and/or discursive distance. Otto, in particular, refers to several strategies to achieve this with regards to the socialist heritage: spatial reframing, spatial isolation and narrative reframing. The spatial reframing is the case of the Berlin Wall: the Wall was mostly destroyed, and its remnants are ―museumified‖ and divorced from their original social, cultural, and political context. The spatial isolation is the case of the Budapest sculpture park. In 1990, the city council decided to remove political statues of Hungary‘s socialist era and relegate them to a park on the edge of the city. The park was opened for tourists in 1993 and became one of the major tourist attractions in Budapest. This particular event also includes some elements of the narrative reframing, as it indicates a shift from legitimizing the Socialist regime to mocking it. However, narrative reframing is best exemplified by the case of a governmental palace in Romania, where the history of the building is reframed by silencing the socialist past and accentuating its link with ‗the very best of Romanian architects and craftsmen‘.32 The socialist past is not exactly erased. In a certain way it is remembered: the socialist symbols are exposed in order to sneer and mimic the former political regime, to bear witness to its ferocities, or to emphasize the history of anti-socialist resistance. The ―active processing‖ of the past makes history more palatable to the present time and identity, on one hand, while also making the place more attractive for investments and more suitable for integration into national and global economies, on the other.

通过对社会主义遗产的解构，即从日常生活的“正常”环境中去除社会主义符号，并创造一定的物理和/或话语距离，解决了这一困境。奥托特别提到了实现这一目标的几种策略：空间重构、空间隔离和叙事重构。空间重构以柏林墙为例：柏林墙大部分被摧毁，其残余物被“博物馆化”，并脱离了其原有的社会、文化和政治背景。布达佩斯雕塑公园的空间隔离就是一个例子。1990年，市议会决定拆除匈牙利社会主义时代的政治雕像，并将其放在城市边缘的公园内。该公园于1993年向游客开放，成为布达佩斯的主要旅游景点之一。这一特殊事件还包括叙事重构的一些要素，因为它表明了从社会主义政权合法化到嘲笑它的转变。然而，罗马尼亚的一座政府宫殿最能体现叙事重构。在这座宫殿中，通过压制社会主义的过去，强调其与“罗马尼亚最优秀的建筑师和工匠”的联系，重塑了建筑的历史。32社会主义的过去并没有完全被抹去。人们以某种方式记住了这一点：揭露社会主义象征是为了嘲讽和模仿前政权，见证其残暴，或者强调反社会主义抵抗的历史。一方面，对过去的“积极处理”使历史更适合当今时代和身份，另一方面，也使这个地方对投资更具吸引力，更适合融入国家和全球经济。

THE PLANNED SOCIALIST TOWNS: MONO-HERITAGE COMMUNITIES 计划社会主义城镇：单一遗产社区

Coping with the ―dissonant heritage‖ was dramatically experienced in the former outposts of socialism – the planned socialist towns. The planned socialist towns emerged first as the workers‘ settlements for socialist industrial enterprises. They, alongside their industrial enterprises, served not only economic aims, but also ideological ones: they created, both discursively and materially, the socialist working class in previously rural areas,33 fostered political support and political loyalties towards the socialist system,34 and integrated national republics into the larger economic structures of the Soviet Union.35

应对“不和谐遗产”在社会主义的前哨——计划中的社会主义城镇——有着戏剧性的经历。计划中的社会主义城镇首先作为社会主义工业企业的工人定居点出现。他们与工业企业一起，不仅为经济目标服务，也为意识形态目标服务：他们在话语和物质上在以前的农村地区创建了社会主义工人阶级，33培养了对社会主义制度的政治支持和政治忠诚，34并将各民族共和国纳入苏联更大的经济结构。35

The planned socialist towns are also called ‗mono-industrial towns‘36 and ‗spaces of socialism‘.37 Well-known planned socialist towns include Nowa Huta and Tychy in Poland; Prypiat and Slavutich in Ukraine; Novoplotsk and Soligorsk in Belarus; Eisenhuttenstadt and Schwedt in Germany; Dimitrovgrad in Bulgaria; Angarsk, Komsomolsk, and Magnitogorsk in Russia; Sturovo in Slovakia; Dunaujvaros, and Batonyterenye, and Ajka in Hungary; Sillamae in Estonia; and Stucka (now Aizklaukle) in Latvia.

计划中的社会主义城镇也被称为“单一工业城镇”36和“社会主义空间”。37个著名的计划中社会主义城镇包括波兰的诺瓦胡塔和蒂奇；乌克兰的普里皮亚特和斯拉夫提奇；白俄罗斯的Novoplotsk和Soligorsk；德国的艾森豪登施塔特和施韦德；保加利亚的迪米特罗夫格勒；俄罗斯的安加尔斯克、共青团和马格尼托戈尔斯克；斯洛伐克的斯特罗沃；匈牙利的Dunaujvaros、Batonyterenye和Ajka；爱沙尼亚的塞拉梅；拉脱维亚的斯图卡（现在的艾兹克劳克）。

These planned towns were mostly mono-industrial towns with specific industries, such as nuclear energy (Visaginas, Prypiat), steel production (Eisenhuttenstadt, Nowa Huta), or coal mining (Magnitogorsk, Tychy). As previously mentioned, the towns were also designed as outposts of socialism: they were planned by leading architects, the living standards were above the average of the country (in Visaginas, it was twice the country‘s average,38 and in Nowa Huta salaries were among the highest in the country39) and the socialist culture and way of life were openly celebrated. In other words, they were projects of social engineering designed to develop a new type of community and personality.40 As model communities for socialism, they were meant to legitimize their socialist regimes, draw a line with the past, and signify the beginnings of a new socialist era. As Brown argues, these were the towns where communism had already been built.41

这些规划城镇大多是具有特定工业的单一工业城镇，如核能（维萨吉纳斯、普里皮亚特）、钢铁生产（艾森豪登施塔特、诺瓦胡塔）或煤矿（马格尼托戈尔斯克、泰基）。如前所述，这些城镇也被设计为社会主义的前哨：它们由主要建筑师规划，生活水平高于全国平均水平（在维萨尼亚，这是全国平均水平的两倍，38而在诺瓦胡塔人的工资是全国最高的39）社会主义文化和生活方式得到了公开的颂扬。换句话说，它们是社会工程项目，旨在发展新型社区和人格。40作为社会主义的模范社区，它们旨在使其社会主义政权合法化，与过去划清界限，并标志着社会主义新时代的开始。正如布朗所说，这些城镇已经建立了共产主义。41

A common feature of planned socialist towns is their absence of (almost) any history prior to the socialist period. Most of the towns were established in poorly populated rural regions (Visaginas in Lithuania, Aizkraukle in Latvia) or expanded from mere villages (Tychy in Poland; Petofibanya, Batonyterenye, and Ajka in Hungary; Dimitrovgrad in Bulgaria; Sturovo in Slovakia). They were usually populated by migrant communities, which also implied the absence of any collective memory with regards to any form of shared past except for the socialist one. Here the socialist authorities started with a complete tabula rasa. The socialist media represented heroic narratives of victorious socialist labour, and the construction of the towns was celebrated as the leading project of the century. For example, the entrance to Visaginas was marked by the caption: ―Not everyone is allowed to live so generously: to build the town for the memory of people”.

计划中的社会主义城镇的一个共同特点是，它们在社会主义时期之前（几乎）没有任何历史。大多数城镇建立在人口稀少的农村地区（立陶宛的维萨吉纳斯、拉脱维亚的艾兹克拉克勒），或从单纯的村庄扩展而来（波兰的蒂希、匈牙利的佩托菲班亚、巴托尼特雷尼和阿伊卡、保加利亚的迪米特罗夫格勒、斯洛伐克的斯特罗沃）。他们通常居住在移民社区，这也意味着除了社会主义的历史之外，对于任何形式的共同历史都缺乏任何集体记忆。在这里，社会主义当局从一个完整的表格开始。社会主义媒体代表了社会主义劳动胜利的英雄叙事，城镇建设被誉为本世纪的主导工程。例如，Visaginas的入口处有一个标题：“并不是每个人都被允许如此慷慨地生活：为了人们的记忆而建造这个城镇”。

Some of the planned socialist towns were named after socialist leaders: Visaginas (former Snieckus) in Lithuania was named after Antanas Snieckus, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian socialist party; Aizkraukle (formerly Stucka) in Latvia was named after the Latvian Socialist party leader Peteris Stucka; Dimitrovgrad in Bulgaria was named after Bulgarian Socialist leader Georgi Dimitrov; Eisenhuttenstadt in Germany was initially named Stalinstadt.

一些计划中的社会主义城镇是以社会主义领导人的名字命名的：立陶宛的Visaginas（前Snieckus）是以立陶宛社会党中央委员会第一书记Antanas Snieckus的名字命名的；拉脱维亚的Aizkraukle（原名Stucka）以拉脱维亚社会党领袖Peteris Stucka的名字命名；保加利亚的迪米特罗夫格勒是以保加利亚社会主义领袖乔治·迪米特罗夫的名字命名的；艾森豪登施塔特在德国最初被命名为斯大林斯塔特。

The planned socialist towns were also mono-heritage towns. Questions of heritage and identity, in fact, became a crucial issue during the post-socialist period. While other post-socialist towns established their new identities via decommunization, a return to a pre-Socialist ―Golden Age‖, and Westernization/Europeanization of the place,42 these planned socialist towns had no or little pre-socialist history, their identification with (Western) Europe was poor, and, therefore, the removal of the socialist legacy altogether was much harder to achieve (for example, housing district ―A‖ in Tychy, containing large ornaments and sculptures of the working class heroes). Beyond the typical challenges of transition (inflation, privatization, unemployment, changing legal basis, etc.), the planned socialist towns were seeking ‗a further remaking of place identity at a range of scales to legitimize new political and economic trajectories and to create places as suitable for integration into regional and global networks‘.43

计划中的社会主义城镇也是单一遗产城镇。事实上，遗产和身份问题在后社会主义时期成为一个关键问题。虽然其他后社会主义城镇通过与外界隔绝、回归前社会主义时期的“黄金时代”以及当地的西化/欧洲化建立了新的身份，但42这些计划中的社会主义城镇没有或几乎没有前社会主义历史，他们对（西方）欧洲的认同感很差，因此，彻底清除社会主义遗产要困难得多（例如，堤基的住宅区，包含工人阶级英雄的大型装饰物和雕塑）。除了转型的典型挑战（通货膨胀、私有化、失业、不断变化的法律基础等）之外，计划中的社会主义城镇正在寻求“在一系列规模上进一步重塑地方身份，使新的政治和经济轨迹合法化，并创造适合融入区域和全球网络的地方”。43

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In this paper, three cases of planned socialist towns (Visaginas in Lithuania and Tychy and Nowa Huta in Poland), including their self-representations and strategies of coping with the socialist past, are analyzed.

本文分析了三个计划社会主义城镇的案例（立陶宛的维萨吉纳斯和波兰的蒂奇和诺瓦胡塔），包括它们的自我表征和应对社会主义过去的策略。

The theme of this research is place identity. This theme encompasses a broad range of symbols, monuments, landmarks, and narratives. In addition, place identity is created by processing a historical memory, active remembrance, and active forgetting. Place identity is never homogenous. Different social groups might maintain and try to reclaim their own memories and narratives. Place identities that are strongly incompatible with official and institutionally-produced discourse might never cross a political cordon nor ever be fully presented in public.

本研究的主题是地方认同。这一主题包括广泛的符号、纪念碑、地标和叙事。此外，地点认同是通过处理历史记忆、主动记忆和主动遗忘而产生的。地方身份从来都不是同质的。不同的社会群体可能会维持并试图收回他们自己的记忆和叙述。与官方和制度性话语强烈不相容的地方身份可能永远不会跨越政治警戒线，也永远不会在公共场合完全呈现。

The focus of this research is institutionally-produced place identity. The research materials include all institutionally-produced self-representations of the towns: municipality websites, brochures, photo albums, tourism booklets, guide tours, and other institutionally-produced resources, depending on their availability in each of  the selected cases (for example, while Nowa Huta is mostly promoted by and known for its ―communism tours‖, Tychy might offer brochures only; at the same time, in Visaginas, urban tourism is actually absent and the city is represented by a municipally-published photo album). As the research is only concerned with institutionally-produced place identity, other sources such as local media, interviews, and international tourist guides (e.g. Lonely Planet, Rough Guide, Thomas Cook Guide, etc.) are not incorporated.

本研究的重点是制度上产生的地方认同。研究材料包括城镇的所有机构制作的自我表述：市政网站、小册子、相册、旅游手册、导游和其他机构制作的资源，具体取决于每个选定案例的可用性（例如，虽然Nowa Huta主要由“共产主义之旅”推广并以其闻名，但Tychy可能只提供宣传册；同时，在Visaginas，城市旅游实际上不存在，城市由市政出版的相册代表）。由于该研究仅涉及制度上产生的地方身份，因此不包括其他来源，如当地媒体、采访和国际导游（如《孤独星球》、《粗略指南》、《托马斯·库克指南》等）。

The primary issue is the institutionalized place identity of the socialist towns and the incorporation of socialist heritage into new place identities. This is investigated using content analysis and interpreting available materials. The aim is to reveal what kind of symbolic recourses are employed in the production of institutionalized place identity for each of the three towns, how socialist heritage is presented (if present), and how it is incorporated into the new place identity.

首要问题是社会主义城镇的制度化场所标识，以及将社会主义遗产纳入新的场所标识。这是通过内容分析和解释现有资料进行调查的。目的是揭示在三个城镇中，每一个城镇的制度化场所标识的产生中使用了什么样的象征资源，如何呈现社会主义遗产（如果存在），以及如何将其纳入新的场所标识。

The research does not follow but rather takes into account the framework offered by Young and Kaczmarek.44 This framework consists of three strategies: decommunization, pre-socialist Golden Age, and Westernization/Europeanization. In addition to the analysis of written materials, interviews with employees of local municipalities and tourist agencies were conducted. The interviews are not directly referenced, as their primary purpose was to learn about socialist heritage that might otherwise be ―invisible‖. Other fieldwork included examining locations and identifying parts of socialist heritage which are not only unrepresented in the written sources but also unspoken (i.e., people did not mention them during the interviews). The period of analysis was 2010.

该研究没有遵循杨和卡兹马雷克提供的框架，而是考虑到了该框架。44该框架包括三种策略：去共产主义、前社会主义黄金时代和  西方化/欧洲化。除了分析书面材料外，还对当地市政当局和旅行社的雇员进行了访谈。采访没有直接引用，因为他们的主要目的是了解社会主义传统，否则这些传统可能是“看不见的”。其他实地调查包括检查地点和确定部分社会主义遗产，这些遗产不仅没有在书面资料中出现，而且也没有被提及（即，人们在采访中没有提及）。分析期为2010年。

VISAGINAS: PUBLIC REPRESENTATIONS AND PRIVATE IMAGINATIONS   VISAGINAS：公共陈述和私人想象

Visaginas (Snieckus) is the satellite settlement to Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant. The power plant was founded in 1973 in a decision by the Soviet leaders and it was intended to be the largest nuclear power plant in the Soviet Union. The town was built following the guidelines of the well-known Soviet architects V. Akulin and M. A. Belyi,45 who had already planned other Soviet ‗atomic‘ cities: Aktau (Kazakhstan), Navoi (Uzbekistan), and Sosnovyi Bor (near Leningrad).

Visaginas（Snieckus）是Ignalina核电站的卫星定居点。根据苏联领导人的决定，该核电站建于1973年，旨在成为苏联最大的核电站。该镇是按照著名苏联建筑师V.Akulin和M.A.Belyi（45岁）的指导方针修建的，他们已经规划了其他苏联“原子”城市：阿克套（哈萨克斯坦）、纳沃伊（乌兹别克斯坦）和索斯诺夫伊·博尔（列宁格勒附近）。

In 1975, the cornerstone of the town was laid. The town was named after the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian communist party, Antanas Snieckus. The arrival of the first inhabitants was celebrated on 22 April 1977, Lenin‘s birthday. The town was mostly settled by workers from different areas of the Soviet Union. The construction of the plant was compared to Baikal Amur Main railway (BAM), the great socialist project of the century that was well known all over the Soviet Union.46

1975年，该镇奠基。该镇以立陶宛共产党中央委员会第一书记安塔纳斯·斯涅库斯的名字命名。1977年4月22日是列宁的生日，庆祝第一批居民的到来。该镇主要由来自苏联不同地区的工人定居。该工厂的建设可与贝加尔-阿穆尔主铁路（BAM）相提并论，后者是本世纪伟大的社会主义工程，在苏联广为人知。46

The power plant started operating in 1983. Due to the Chernobyl catastrophe in 1986, construction of the plant‘s second block was postponed for a year. Later on, due to the requests of the Lithuanian Green movement, construction of the third reactor was suspended and its demolition began in 1989. The national rebirth movement and the declaration of Lithuanian independence caused strong antagonism between the community of the town and the rest of Lithuania. At the very peak of the tension, the workers of the plant issued an open letter to the President of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, asking for the town‘s political separation from Lithuania and reunification with the USSR.47 In 1992, Snieckus was renamed Visaginas. Following the requirements of the EU, the first reactor of Ignalina NPP was stopped in 2004, the second in 2009. In Visaginas the processes of transition were complicated by the absence of any history prior to 1975, the very specific mono-industrial structure of the town, the Russian-speaking multi-ethnic migrant community, the strong pro-Soviet identities as well as the geographical and cultural isolation of the town.

该发电厂于1983年开始运行。由于1986年的切尔诺贝利灾难，核电站第二座大楼的建设被推迟了一年。后来，由于立陶宛绿色运动的要求，第三座反应堆的建造被暂停，并于1989年开始拆除。民族复兴运动和《立陶宛独立宣言》在该镇社区和立陶宛其他地区之间造成了强烈的对立。在局势最紧张的时候，核电站的工人向苏联总统米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫（Mikhail Gorbachev）发出了一封公开信，要求在政治上将该镇与立陶宛分离，并与苏联统一。47 1992年，斯涅库斯改名为维萨吉纳斯。按照欧盟的要求，Ignalina核电站的第一个反应堆于2004年停止运行，第二个反应堆于2009年停止运行。在Visaginas，由于1975年之前没有任何历史、该镇非常特殊的单一产业结构、讲俄语的多民族移民社区、强烈的前苏联身份以及该镇的地理和文化孤立，转型过程变得复杂。

For years, Visaginas was the fastest growing town in Lithuania, due to both migration and high birth rates. After 1990, with uncertainties about the future of employment and the nuclear power plant, the number of inhabitants stabilized at around 30,000. Visaginas is rather remote from other urban centers in Lithuania and difficult to reach, yet there are 6000 tourists visiting the information center of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant per year and 3000 visitors come to Visaginas for different sport and music festivals.48 New identities and self-representation of the town are analyzed on the basis of two available49 sources: an official website of the Visaginas municipality and a photo book, My Town Visaginas, which has been published as an initiative of the Visaginas municipality.50

多年来，由于移民和高出生率，维萨吉纳斯一直是立陶宛发展最快的城镇。1990年后，由于就业前景和核电站的不确定性，居民人数稳定在30000人左右。Visaginas距离立陶宛的其他城市中心相当遥远，很难到达，然而，每年有6000名游客参观Ignalina核电厂的信息中心，3000名游客来Visaginas参加不同的体育和音乐节。48根据两个可用的49来源：Visaginas市的官方网站和照片册《我的城市维萨吉纳斯》，已作为维萨吉纳斯市的一项倡议出版。50

The official website of the town‘s municipality, www.visaginas.lt, presents Visaginas as a green town with well-balanced architecture. It emphasizes regional parks, picturesque surroundings, and multiple lakes and camping sites; these are ‗nice places for leisure activities, fishing, and sports both in summer and winter‘. Visaginas is also promoted as having various sport and music events, such as an international festival of folk music and dance, ‗Visaginas‘ country‘, and the Visaginas Mayor Cup Winter Rally Driving.

该镇市政当局的官方网站www.visaginas.lt将visaginas呈现为一个具有良好平衡建筑的绿色城镇。它强调区域公园、风景如画的环境、多个湖泊和露营地；这里是“夏季和冬季休闲活动、钓鱼和运动的好去处”。Visaginas还被宣传为举办各种体育和音乐活动，如国际民间音乐和舞蹈节、“Visaginas“乡村”和Visaginas市长杯冬季拉力赛。

Visaginas‘ list of places of interest includes the symbol of the town in the form of a crane statue, the information center of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant, an aquarium, an ethnographic museum, the cemetery and memorial for the victims of WWII, and three local churches. A monument to the victims of Chernobyl is not listed. In a short introduction of the town‘s history, the Soviet period is ignored and silenced, and the grand project of Soviet socialism, the construction of the new town and large power plant, is reduced to a single sentence: ‗The construction of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant stimulated the development of the plans of a new city‘. Inconvenient moments of history, such as grand narratives of heroic Soviet labour, or dramatic reactions to the fall of the Soviet Union, are simply silenced: ‗When the country regained its independence, Visaginas Municipality was established and Visaginas was granted the city rights‘. The town‘s museum, which contained an exposition of visual and written information about the beginnings of the town and early constructions, was situated in one of the secondary schools in Visaginas but was closed before 1997; the exposition is now archived in the town‘s library.51 Visaginas is represented as a green town of young and active people, a town that appears out of nowhere, with a dispersed and incoherent narrative of the local history.

维萨吉纳斯的名胜古迹包括以起重机雕像形式出现的城镇标志、伊格纳利纳核电站信息中心、水族馆、人种学博物馆、二战受害者墓地和纪念馆以及三座当地教堂。切尔诺贝利遇难者纪念碑未列入名单。在对该镇历史的简短介绍中，苏联时期被忽略和沉默，苏联社会主义的宏伟工程——新城和大型发电厂的建设——被简化为一句话：“伊格纳利纳核电站的建设刺激了新城规划的发展”。历史上一些不方便的时刻，如英勇的苏联劳工的宏大叙事，或对苏联解体的戏剧性反应，都被简单地压制了下来：“当这个国家恢复独立时，维萨吉纳斯市成立了，维萨吉纳斯市被授予了城市权利”。该镇博物馆位于Visaginas的一所中学内，展示了该镇的始建和早期建筑的视觉和文字信息，但在1997年之前关闭；该博览会现已在该镇的图书馆存档。51维萨吉纳斯被描绘成一个年轻活跃的绿色小镇，一个不知从哪里冒出来的小镇，对当地历史的叙述分散而不连贯。

Another significant publication is the photo album, My Town Visaginas.52 The trilingual album (Lithuanian, Russian, and English) has been published by the municipality of Visaginas for the town‘s 35th anniversary. In the introduction, there are attempts to represent the town‘s history: to recover some pre-socialist history - the local lake first mapped in 1570, medieval roads crossing the territory, and the battles of Napoleon wars - and to reduce the spectacular developments of the Soviet period to a single sentence: ‗In 1975, Visaginas began its life, life of a town which was called ‗the nuclear town‘.53

另一个重要出版物是相册《我的城市维萨吉纳斯》。52维萨吉纳斯市为庆祝该镇成立35周年出版了三种语言的相册（立陶宛语、俄语和英语）。在导言中，有人试图描绘该镇的历史：恢复一些社会主义之前的历史——1570年首次绘制的当地湖泊、穿越该领土的中世纪道路以及拿破仑战争——并将苏联时期的壮观发展简化为一句话：“1975年，维萨吉纳斯开始了它的生活，一个被称为“核城镇”的城镇的生活。53

The content of the album is dominated by nature, sports, and arts. The dominant category, with nineteen pages,54 is composed of images of nature and picturesque surroundings of Visaginas; thirteen pages cover different sport activities and achievements; thirteen pages are devoted to local youth, and twelve pages represent local arts, artists or art events.

专辑内容以自然、体育和艺术为主。占主导地位的类别有19页，54页由维萨吉纳斯的自然和风景如画的环境图像组成；13页涵盖不同的体育活动和成就；13页专门介绍当地青年，12页代表当地艺术、艺术家或艺术活动。

Rather ironically for a planned socialist town, there are nine pages containing images of local churches and only three pages related to the Nuclear Power Plant. In addition, there are three pages about the town‘s architecture. However, the memorial for the victims of Chernobyl is absent. The cornerstone, placed by the builders of the power plant, is represented in a single photo: schoolchildren of Visaginas form a living flag to honour Lithuania and mark the millennium of its name in 2009 in front of the cornerstone — a dramatic manifestation of loyalty, an attempt at being ‗more Lithuanian than Lithuanians themselves‘, to paraphrase the famous dictum of postcolonial studies.55

具有讽刺意味的是，对于一个计划中的社会主义城镇来说，有九页包含了当地教堂的图片，只有三页与核电站有关。此外，还有三页关于该镇的建筑。然而，切尔诺贝利事故受害者纪念碑却不存在。这座由发电厂的建设者放置的基石在一张照片中得到了体现：维萨吉纳斯的学童们组成一面鲜活的旗帜，向立陶宛致敬，并于2009年在这座基石前纪念其名字的千年——这是忠诚的戏剧性表现，是“比立陶宛人自己更立陶宛人”的一种尝试，改写后殖民研究的著名格言。55

Within the official discourse and public self-presentation of the town, there is a collective amnesia of the Soviet past. This socialist past is suppressed and suspended but not cancelled. The socialist past is actively memorialized in everyday routine activities. In Visaginas, symbols of the Soviet period continue to be important points of reference in everyday life.

在该镇的官方话语和公众自我介绍中，存在着对苏联历史的集体遗忘。这种社会主义的过去被压制和中止，但没有被取消。社会主义的过去在日常活动中被积极地纪念。在维萨尼亚，苏联时期的象征仍然是日常生活中的重要参考点。

The cornerstone is still there with the engraving: ―The town of nuclear energy will be built here, August 1975‖. One of the central streets is still named Tarybų (Soviet) Street. The monument to victims of Chernobyl remains as a place for commemoration and annual gatherings on 26 April, the date of the catastrophe. Each year in April, the Chernobyl catastrophe is remembered in the local media.56 Usually, the theme of Chernobyl is covered in a few large-scale articles, whereas the Day of Lithuanian Independence is commemorated by a single line. The Soviet heritage creates a feeling of continuity and allows for positive identification with one‘s past; it re-invokes the whole semiotic space in which an individual is an honourable person and where his or her life has significance.57

基石仍在那里，上面刻着：“1975年8月，核能之城将在此建成”。其中一条中心街道仍被命名为塔里布（苏联）街。切尔诺贝利灾难受害者纪念碑在4月26日灾难发生之日仍然是一个纪念和年度聚会的场所。每年4月，当地媒体都会记得切尔诺贝利灾难。56通常，切尔诺贝利的主题会在几篇大型文章中报道，而立陶宛独立日的纪念只有一行。苏联传统创造了一种延续感，并允许积极认同自己的过去；它重新调用了整个符号空间，在这个空间中，一个人是一个值得尊敬的人，他或她的生命具有意义。57

The need for continuity is observable from a trans-generational perspective. A popular restaurant and a coffee bar are called ―Third Block‖ in memory of the third block of the nuclear power plant that was never launched. The restaurant and the coffee bar were opened in 2008, after the final decision on the plant‘s closure was made. It is a case of ‗inherited nostalgia‘, nostalgia actively employed by the second generation immigrants for making sense of their identities.58

从跨代的角度可以观察到对连续性的需求。一家受欢迎的餐厅和咖啡馆被称为“第三街区”，以纪念从未启动的核电站第三街区。这家餐厅和咖啡馆是在2008年做出关闭工厂的最终决定后开业的。这是一个“遗传怀旧”的例子，即第二代移民为了理解自己的身份而积极使用的怀旧。58

Memories of the Hearth, published in 2004, is a documentary novel written by forty-five of the first construction workers of the settlement and the plant. The book celebrates the triumphant narratives of the past, victorious construction of the new town, and heroic labour of the first construction workers. A local weekly Sugardas devoted a whole issue to the event, titling one of the leading articles: ‗Let [the book] be a monument for all of us…‘.59 The past is seen as magnificent; it remains a bearer of meaning and certainty. The past is not cancelled, it is suppressed and suspended, and it circulates offstage only and is invisible to outsiders.

《壁炉的记忆》出版于2004年，是一部纪实小说，由定居点和工厂的45名首批建筑工人撰写。这本书颂扬了过去的胜利故事、新城的胜利建设以及第一批建筑工人的英勇劳动。当地一家周刊《Sugardas》用一整期篇幅报道了这一事件，其中一篇主要文章的标题是：“让[这本书]成为我们所有人的纪念碑……”。59过去被视为辉煌；它仍然是意义和确定性的载体。过去并没有被取消，它被压制和暂停，它只在后台循环，外人看不见。

While any official representations are characterized by the collective amnesia of the Soviet past, daily life is saturated with nostalgia and focused on continuity. As Light has noticed, ‗in post socialist countries, the desire to construct new post-communist national identities, characterized by a democratic, pluralist, capitalist and largely Westward-looking orientation involves ―de-constructing‖ identities created during the socialist period‘.60 In Visaginas, the old identities have not been deconstructed and the ―unwanted past‖ remains present in multiple forms, including ―inherited nostalgia‖ of the first post-socialist generation (the restaurant ‗Third Block‘). The Soviet past is suppressed and suspended but not cancelled; it is rendered invisible in official representations but memorialized in daily life.

尽管任何官方陈述都以苏联过去的集体健忘症为特征，但日常生活充满了怀旧情绪，注重连续性。正如Light所注意到的那样，“在后社会主义国家，构建新的后共产主义国家身份的愿望，以民主、多元化、资本主义和主要向西看为特征，包括“去构建”在社会主义时期创造的身份”。60在维萨尼亚，旧的身份尚未被解构，“不想要的过去”仍然以多种形式存在，包括第一代后社会主义时代（餐厅“第三街区”）的“遗传怀旧”。苏联的过去被压制和中止，但没有被取消；它在官方的陈述中是看不见的，但在日常生活中被纪念。

As stated, Young and Kaczmarek outline three directions of coping with the unwanted past and remaking the place identity: decommunization, return to the pre socialist Golden Age, and Westernization/Europeanization of the town61. The case of Visaginas adds new aspects to this framework.

如前所述，杨和卡兹马雷克概述了应对不必要的过去和重塑地方身份的三个方向：去社区化、回归前社会主义黄金时代和城市的西方化/欧洲化61。Visaginas的案例为该框架增加了新的方面。

The first aspect is rooted in the specifications of the town: poor references to the pre Socialist Golden Age and weak identification with Western Europe. Many inhabitants are migrants from the former USSR and are still connected, both emotionally and via kinship ties, with their homelands; while the town has no pre-Soviet history with which to identify.

第一个方面植根于该镇的特点：对前社会主义黄金时代的描述欠佳，对西欧的认同感较弱。许多居民是来自前苏联的移民，他们仍然在情感上和通过亲属关系与祖国保持联系；而该镇没有前苏联时期的历史可供识别。

The second aspect is that the planned socialist towns construct a de-ideologized model of a ‗green and young‘ town. In the absence of any other significant and legitimate discourse, youth and nature become the key features of the new post-socialist place identity. 

第二个方面,社会主义计划城镇建设了"绿色年轻"城镇的脱意识形态模式。在没有任何其他重要和合法的论述的情况下，青年和自然成为新的后社会主义地方身份的关键特征。

The third aspect is partial decommunization and bifurcated place identity. The signs and symbols referring to its socialist past are maintained (i.e., Soviet Street), and nostalgia for the socialist past is recreated in new forms (the restaurant ―Third Block‖), but rendered invisible for outsiders. In general, the socialist past remains a significant component of everyday life, yet official and institutional discourse denies or tries to minimize any imprints of the socialist past on contemporary place identity.

第三个方面是部分去交流和分岔的地方认同。代表其社会主义历史的标志和符号得以保留（即苏维埃街），对社会主义历史的怀旧以新的形式重现（餐厅——第三街区），但外人看不见。总的来说，社会主义的过去仍然是日常生活的重要组成部分，但官方和机构话语否认或试图尽量减少社会主义的过去对当代地方身份的任何影响。

Tychy

Tychy is a city in southern Poland, Silesia, about twenty kilometers from Katowice. Tychy was first documented in 1467 and developed into a small urban settlement. Between WWI and WWII, the population of Tychy grew to 11,000.

泰基是波兰南部的一座城市，位于西里西亚，距离卡托维兹约20公里。堤基最早记录于1467年，并发展成为一个小型城市聚落。在第一次世界大战和第二次世界大战之间，堤基的人口增长到11000人。

New developments started on 4 October 1950, when the socialist Government Executives made a decision to build the so-called New Tychy. The town was expected to relieve overcrowding in the Silesian region, where spontaneous and ungoverned industrial development resulted in deteriorating living conditions for many people. New Tychy had to be a symbolic city, the embodiment of new socialist principles of urbanization and architecture.62 Construction started in 1951. New districts were designated by letters of the alphabet. The first two neighborhood units, A and B, were constructed as an example of socialist realist architecture, known for a large number of architectural details, ornaments and sculptures, such as a female worker holding a trowel, a miner and a steelworker, and a mother with a child. Estate D was completed in 1959, estates E and F between 1960 and 1964, and estates G and M were built during the seventies. The letters were associated with female names: for example, district M stands for Magdalena, X for Xymena, R for Regina, S for Stella and Z for Zuzanna.63 When the town expanded, many nearby villages and settlements were incorporated within its boundaries. The incorporation of established communities with their own identities and life practices resulted in the absence of one cultural centre and made the town‗s common identity problematic. After the change of political regime in 1990, Tychy was divided again as five counties and villages were separated from the town.

新的发展始于1950年10月4日，当时社会主义政府的行政人员决定建造所谓的新堤基。该镇预计将缓解西里西亚地区的过度拥挤，该地区自发的、无人管理的工业发展导致许多人的生活条件恶化。新堤基必须是一座象征性的城市，体现新的社会主义城市化和建筑原则。62 1951年开始建设。新区由字母表中的字母指定。前两个街区单元A和B是作为社会主义现实主义建筑的典范而建造的，以大量的建筑细节、装饰和雕塑而闻名，例如一名手持泥铲的女工人、一名矿工和一名钢铁工人以及一名带着孩子的母亲。房地产D于1959年完工，房地产E和F于1960年至1964年完工，房地产G和M于70年代建成。这些字母与女性姓名有关：例如，M区代表Magdalena，X区代表Xymena，R区代表Regina，S区代表Stella，Z区代表Zuzanna。63当城镇扩张时，附近的许多村庄和定居点被纳入其边界内。将已有的社区与他们自己的身份和生活实践结合起来，导致没有一个文化中心，并使该镇的共同身份成了问题。1990年政权更迭后，堤基再次分裂，五个县和村庄与该镇分离。

In contrast to Visaginas, a model town of Soviet socialism, the collective identity of Tychy involved contradictions between old inhabitants and newcomers to the town, a lack of a shared cultural centre, and noticeable disintegration of the town into separate housing estate communities. Though officially celebrated as an outpost of socialism, the town was popularly referred to as a loose collection of large housing estates, a ‘socialist dormitory‘, a ‗city with no character‘, a ‗bedroom in a socialist style‘, an ‗unshaped city‘, a ‗desert‘, or a ‗workers‘ lodging house for Silesia‘.64

与苏维埃社会主义的模范城镇维萨吉纳斯不同，堤基的集体身份涉及到老居民和新来者之间的矛盾，缺乏共同的文化中心，以及该城镇明显分裂为独立的房地产社区。尽管该镇被正式称为社会主义的前哨，但人们普遍认为它是一个松散的大型住宅区、一个“社会主义宿舍”、一个“没有特色的城市”、一个“社会主义风格的卧室”、一个“未定型的城市”、一个“沙漠”或一个“西里西亚工人的住宿之所”。64

Today, Tychy is known as a new investment and for its successful economic development, yet the town‘s identity, socialist past, and socialist heritage remain ambiguous issues. New identities of the former ―Polish socialist town‖ and representations of the ―dissonance heritage‖ are analyzed on the basis of two sources: an official website of the Tychy municipality and a brochure, ‗Tychy: A Good Place‘, which is available in most hotels in Tychy as well as on the town‘s official website.65

The brochure, issued in 2007, introduces Tychy as ‗a good place, according to Andrzej Dziuba, mayor of the town‘: ‗Tychy is an exceptional place. This exceptionality stems from a number of elements, which together make up the contemporary town identity: tradition and modernity, innovative industry and large green areas.‘66

What makes the former socialist outpost a ‗good place‘? The content of the brochure is dominated by images of nature: eleven articles are on surrounding lakes, mountains, forests, local parks, green areas, outdoor activities, ecology, and environmental issues. The second largest category is the local car industry with eight articles, followed by the old historical churches of Tychy with five. Other relevant issues, with four articles each, are sports, art, the local brewery, and pro-European identities of the town.

The general image is of a green town, surrounded by lakes, mountains, and forests; a town with modern, progressive, and environmentally friendly industries, including FIAT; an old town with beautiful churches and an old historical brewery. Other constituent elements of the town‘s image are sports, contemporary art, and pro-European identities.

However, there is collective amnesia concerning the socialist past. The socialist urban expansion and projects of industrialization are briefly summed up with a single sentence: ‗The industrial zone emerged in Tychy on the turn of the 1960s and 1970s’,67 and the collapse of Polish socialism is mentioned in reference to a ‗special economic zone established at the end of 1990‘.68 The Socialist period is compared metaphorically to sleep and literally to non–existence:

Before the war Tychy had only 11 thousand inhabitants. In 1950 the state authorities decided to convert it into a hundred-thousand-town. The ―New Tychy‖ as it was called was supposed to be nothing more than a sleeping place for Silesia – the inhabitants were to commute towork, to university and to a theatre to the neighboring towns. Today Tychy is a modern, vibrant town.69

According to the title, it is ‗No Longer a Place for Sleeping.‘ To quote Young and Kaczmarek writing on Lodz,

The key discourses surrounding this form of acknowledgement of the socialist past reproduce notions of the city as dormant in the socialist period – the ―decades of oblivion‖ – lacking dynamism and lost under a cover of dust and apathy but awaiting discovery and restoration.70

In contrast to Visaginas, which appeared out of nowhere with no history, Tychy reappeared after decades of oblivion. It is the sleeping beauty awoken by the kiss of capitalism. Many authors call it ‗the sleeping beauty complex‘, envisioning the reawakening of past national glory,71 or using metaphors of the ‗West‘ as a ‗knight in shining armor,‘ arriving to wake Eastern Europe from its slumbers.72

The socialist period is marked by amnesia. Fifty years of socialism, the expansion of the settlement of 11,000 to a town of 100,000, and its particular role as outpost of socialism are ignored. The housing estate ―A‖, or Anna, an exemplar case of socialist architecture and the single landmark of socialism, is not even included in the brochure,73 but is listed among the places of interests on the official Tychy website. Ironically, even the local swimming pool - ‗the most imaginatively winding place in town‘74 - receives more attention than the landmark of socialist architecture. Housing estate ―A‖, part of the heritage discordant with pro-capitalism, is actively forgotten.

The present is directly and mysteriously connected to the pre-socialist past. In other words, Tychy is promoted as the place where the traditional and the modern are interwoven: ‗There is a traditional touch to anything modern in Tychy … and modern touch to anything traditional‘.75 The convergence of modern and traditional happens in ironic ways, with modern industries patronized by Catholic Saints:

Since 1997, the residents have been under the special care of St. Christopher – the patron saint of travelers, drivers, and the town of Tychy. Ceremonial church fair to celebrate his day is held every year in July. It is also an occasion to have your car blessed – the Silesian Archbishop blesses here several thousands cars from Tychy, the region, the country, or even from abroad.76

Since 1997, the residents have been under the special care of St. Christopher – the patron saint of travelers, drivers, and the town of Tychy. Ceremonial church fair to celebrate his day is held every year in July. It is also an occasion to have your car blessed – the Silesian Archbishop blesses here several thousands cars from Tychy, the region, the country, or even from abroad.76

Another ironic convergence of tradition and modernity is Piramida, a local spa and wellness center located at the Paprocany Lake. The Piramida, set up by a well-known Polish bio-energy therapist, has the same proportions as the Cheops pyramid, and is expected to have healing powers. The Piramida is presented as the symbol of Polish entrepreneurial spirit:

The great asset of the town are its residents – hard working, entrepreneurial, and open to new, even the most unconventional, ideas. That is why the Pyramid – an exclusive hotel and therapeutic centre - could come into existence here. It stands on the bank of the lake, on a ―chakram‖ – a place, which is supposed to influence positively a human body.77

Having been constructed as the socialist urban and industrial outpost, with little or no symbolic resources for building new pro-European and pro-capitalist identities, Tychy is now seeking a new place identity in order to legitimize new capitalist developments ‘with the focus on industrial and entrepreneurial prospective, business and investments friendly environment, highly skilled and qualified human resources, business friendly, and the omnipresent entrepreneurial spirit‘.78

The Piramida, resembling a smaller version of the Louvre, seems at odds with the natural urban environment. It looks imposed, imported, and alien, like the Cloisters in New York that were disassembled brick by brick in Southern France, shipped to New York, and reassembled again in Fort Tryon Park. The Piramida is erected beside a busy road, facing a group of buildings typical of the socialist period, popularly known as khrushchyovki.79 Ironically, it is the khruschchyovki, and not the Piramida, that meets the visitors‘ gaze and represents the real experience of the town.

Following Young and Koczmarek‘s framework of decommunization, return to the pre-socialist Golden Age, and Westernization/Europeanization of the place, the following conclusions can be reached:

1) Tychy‘s socialist heritage is marked by amnesia. It remains totally invisible in the officially produced and sustained place identity and there are no attempts to actively use or employ the socialist heritage in urban spaces.

2) Although Tychy has a sufficient amount of pre-socialist history, here, like in Visaginas, the key component of the new place identity is not predicated on the pre-socialist Golden Age but on the image of a young and green town.

3) The pre-socialist Golden Age is a more important component of place identity than the socialist heritage, but both are overshadowed by new pro-European and pro-Western identities, namely, good infrastructure, modern industries, entrepreneurial spirit, and so on. Yet, ironic mimicry of the West, such as in the case of the Piramida hotel, produces rather controversial effects and, by creating such contrasts, merely illuminates the post-socialist nature of its surroundings.

NOWA HUTA: SOCIALISM FOR SALE

诺瓦胡塔：出售社会主义

Nowa Huta, meaning simply ―new steelworks‖, was founded in 1949 as a new town for Poland‘s first steel plant, the Lenin Steelworks (Huta imienia Lenina or HiL). It was constructed near Krakow on the foundations of the Mogila, Pleszow, and Krzeslawice settlements. The town was to become a center of heavy industry — an ideal place for socialist propaganda. The development of Nowa Huta and HiL was funded by a loan from the Soviet Union in lieu of Marshall Aid, and the town itself was popularly called ‗Stalin‘s gift to Poland‘.80

1949年，波兰第一家钢铁厂列宁钢铁厂（Huta-imienia-Lenina或HiL）的新镇诺瓦胡塔（Nowa Huta）成立，意思简单地说就是“新钢铁厂”。它建在克拉科夫附近的莫吉拉、普莱索和克泽斯拉维兹定居点的基础上。该镇将成为重工业中心——社会主义宣传的理想场所。诺瓦胡塔和希尔的开发是由苏联的一笔贷款而不是马歇尔援助资助的，该镇本身也被通俗地称为“斯大林送给波兰的礼物”。80

The reasons for constructing the town and the plant were mostly ideological, since coal had to be transported from Silesia and iron ore from the Soviet Union and since the products were shipped to other parts of Poland. It is broadly believed that the construction of the plant and the town was ‗punishment for the region‘s weak vote in the 1946 referendum‘ in order to ‗remake Krakow into a proletarian city‘81 and to ‗facilitate the diffusion of the working class into Krakow‘.82 The construction of the steelworks and the town were ‗a deliberate piece of social engineering‘,83 yet it was not successful. In 1960, the local population revolted against the authorities while trying to protect a wooden cross erected without a permit. Later on, they engaged in an active campaign to construct a church, and in 1966, a church called Lord's Arc was built. In the 1980s, the local community strongly supported the Solidarity movement and took part in multiple street protests. After 1990, the steelworks was renamed after a Polish-born metallurgist, Tadeusz Sendzimir. With production outputs reduced and unemployment rising, the district was facing an uncertain future.

建造该镇和工厂的原因主要是意识形态上的，因为煤炭必须从西里西亚运输，铁矿石必须从苏联运输，而且产品被运往波兰其他地区。人们普遍认为，工厂和城镇的建设是“对1946年公投中该地区微弱投票的惩罚”，目的是“将克拉科夫改造成无产阶级城市”，并“促进工人阶级向克拉科夫扩散”。82钢铁厂和城镇的建设是“蓄意的”这是一项社会工程，83年，但并没有成功。1960年，当地居民反抗当局，试图保护未经许可而竖立的木十字架。后来，他们积极参与建造教堂的活动，并于1966年建造了一座名为“主弧”的教堂。1980年代，当地社区大力支持团结运动，并参加了多次街头抗议活动。1990年后，这家钢铁厂以出生于波兰的冶金学家塔德乌兹·森吉米尔（Tadeusz Sendzimir）的名字重新命名。随着产量下降和失业率上升，该地区面临着不确定的未来。

Situated in a suburban area of Krakow, Nowa Huta is easily accessible to tourists and has been positioned as a socialist landmark and authentic experience of socialism. As part of niche tourism, a newly emerging trend in heritage tourism,84 the sites associated with particular historical events are marketed to consumers with shared interests. These niche tourism sites include, among others, the Nazi concentration camp at Auschwitz-Birkenau;85 the Jewish Heritage Route in Kazimierz; the Jewish district of Krakow; a Schindler‘s List Tour, which visits Oskar Schindler‘s Factory; a Krakow Industrial Heritage Route tour; and a tour called ‗In the Footsteps of John Paul II‘. Socialist heritage tourism is a specific niche within heritage tourism, but it exists on the margins and is tiny compared to the ‗tour business in the Old Town, the salt mine in Wieliczka, or even Kraków‘s Jewish quarter, Kazimierz‘.86 These tours are offered by Krakow's municipality, Krakow tours, and Crazy tours.87

诺瓦胡塔位于克拉科夫郊区，游客很容易到达，并被定位为社会主义地标和真正的社会主义体验。作为利基旅游的一部分，84与特定历史事件相关的遗址向具有共同利益的消费者进行营销，利基旅游是遗产旅游的一种新兴趋势。这些利基旅游景点包括奥斯威辛-比克瑙纳粹集中营；85 Kazimierz的犹太遗产路线；克拉科夫犹太区；参观奥斯卡·辛德勒工厂的辛德勒名单之旅；克拉科夫工业遗产路线旅游；还有一场名为“追随约翰·保罗二世的足迹”的巡演。社会主义遗产旅游是遗产旅游中的一个特殊领域，但它存在于边缘地带，与“老城的旅游业、维利茨卡的盐矿，甚至是克拉科夫的犹太区卡齐米尔茨的旅游业”相比微不足道。86这些旅游由克拉科夫市、克拉科夫旅游公司和疯狂旅游公司提供。87

The Nowa Huta tour, offered by the municipality, includes the administrative centre of T. Sendzimir Steelworks; the Central Square; several residential districts; other outstanding buildings from the Socialist period, such as Swit Cinema, Peoples‘ Theatre and Arka Pana church; and also several sites of interest from the pre-socialist period, including churches and monasteries.

市政府提供的诺瓦胡塔之旅包括T.Sendzimir钢铁厂的行政中心；中央广场；几个住宅区；社会主义时期的其他杰出建筑，如Swit电影院、人民剧院和Arka Pana教堂；还有一些前社会主义时期的名胜，包括教堂和修道院。

Krakow Tours offer a ―Communism and Nowa Huta Tour‖. Their website contains a quote from The Boston Globe: ‗Come visit historic Nowa Huta, where George Orwell's dark vision of a perfect industrial metropolis was executed with stunning precision. Until, that is, the workers rose up and overthrew Big Brother‘. The company promises a ‗unique insight into socialist Poland‘ and a first-hand experience with the ‗bad old days‘.

克拉科夫旅游提供“共产主义和胡塔之旅”。他们的网站上引用了《波士顿环球报》的一句话：“来参观历史悠久的诺瓦胡塔吧，乔治·奥威尔（George Orwell）对完美工业大都市的黑暗愿景在那里以惊人的精准度得以实现。直到工人们站起来推翻了“老大哥”。该公司承诺“对社会主义波兰的独特见解”和“糟糕的过去”的第一手体验。

Crazy Tours offer several tours to Nowa Huta, including the Communism Tour, the Communism Deluxe Tour, and the Socialist Welcome. These tours are conducted in an authentic, vintage automobile — a Trabant or Fiat — and the guides wear workers‘ uniforms. The tours offer ‗first hand details of what it was like living under the Soviet occupation‘. For example, tourists can visit a 1970‘s-style decorated apartment (‗Step into our time-warp apartment‘), have refreshments in a communist-style restaurant, watch socialist propaganda films, and have a ‗rare opportunity to eat pickled cucumbers and toast the ―good old days‖ with our close friend, and socialist relic, Mr.Vieslav‘.88 In contrast to Krakow Tours‘ ‗dark visions‘ and ‗bad old days‘ of Communism, Crazy Tours offer an experience of the ‗good old days‘, and the socialist period is represented with grotesque and irony. Yet, in both cases, Nowa Huta, the outpost of socialism, is the object of difference. It is marked by a high degree of otherness and secondariness; it is simply ‗lesser‘, as Otto suggests.89

“疯狂之旅”提供了几次到诺瓦胡塔的旅行，包括共产主义之旅、共产主义豪华之旅和社会主义欢迎之旅。这些旅行是在一辆正宗的老式汽车上进行的——特拉班特或菲亚特——导游穿着工人制服。这些旅游提供了“苏联占领下生活的第一手细节”。例如，游客可以参观1970年代风格的装饰公寓（“走进我们的时光扭曲公寓”），在共产主义风格的餐厅吃点心，看社会主义宣传片，有“难得的机会吃腌制黄瓜，和我们的亲密朋友和社会主义遗迹一起举杯庆祝“美好的过去”，Vieslav先生。88与克拉科夫·图尔的“黑暗愿景”和共产主义的“糟糕的旧时光”不同，疯狂的图尔提供了一种“美好的旧时光”的体验，而社会主义时期则以怪诞和讽刺来表现。然而，在这两种情况下，社会主义的前哨诺瓦胡塔是不同的目标。它的特点是高度的差异性和次要性；正如奥托所说，它只是“较小的”。89

The local community is actively engaged in producing the self-image of Nowa Huta. In October 2006, the cultural centre, 1949 Klub, was opened by a group of friends in Nowa Huta. The centre is intended both for locals and for tourists, and the socialist heritage tours make regular visits. The center includes a cafe, a reading room, an exhibition area, and a small cinema. It is devoted to fostering local pride in Nowa Huta by telling the stories of the settlement from the perspective of the local people who built it and lived there, thus making their contributions to a sense of place possible. Expositions of personal photos or video materials are encouraged. In this way, the people of Nowa Huta avoid a passive exhibition of themselves and their neighbourhood and actively engage in the construction of heritage, claiming legitimacy for their own personal histories.

当地社区积极参与塑造诺瓦胡塔人的自我形象。2006年10月，一组朋友在诺瓦胡塔开设了文化中心1949 Klub。该中心既面向当地人，也面向游客，社会主义遗产旅游团会定期参观。该中心包括一个咖啡馆、一个阅览室、一个展览区和一个小电影院。它致力于培养诺瓦胡塔当地人的自豪感，从建造和居住在那里的当地人的角度讲述定居点的故事，从而使他们对地方感的贡献成为可能。鼓励展示个人照片或视频材料。通过这种方式，诺瓦胡塔人避免被动展示自己和他们的邻居，积极参与遗产建设，声称自己的个人历史具有合法性。

In a paradoxical way, the socialist heritage tourism is generating complex associations with the socialist past.90 Continuous exposure to the tourists‘ interest and discourses imposed from the outside (Western tourists and Western travel guides) foster self-reflection and articulation of one‘s own past. These are the empowering effects of tourism; it allows positive identification with one‘s personal past and softens the effects of the dramatic experiences of disjuncture, discontinuity, and displacement without relocation.

以一种自相矛盾的方式，社会主义遗产旅游与社会主义的过去产生了复杂的联系。90持续接触游客的兴趣和来自外部的话语（西方游客和西方导游）有助于自我反思和表达自己的过去。这些是旅游业的赋权效应；它允许人们积极地认同自己的个人过去，并在没有重新安置的情况下，软化了间断、中断和流离失所的戏剧性经历的影响。

With reference to the three strategies for transforming identities in post-socialist towns, (decommunization, the return to the pre-socialist Golden Age, and Westernization/Europeanization),91 attempts to invent the pre-socialist Golden Age and attempts to Westernize/Europeanize are insignificant or absent in this particular case. The basis of Nowa Huta‘s new identity remains its socialist past. The decommunization has happened here not by removal, but by a narrative reframing of the socialist heritage.

关于后社会主义城镇身份转变的三种策略（去共产主义化、回归前社会主义黄金时代和西方化/欧洲化），91在这种特殊情况下，创造前社会主义黄金时代和西方化/欧洲化的尝试是微不足道的或根本不存在的。诺瓦胡塔人新身份的基础仍然是其社会主义的过去。这里发生的脱党不是通过撤军，而是通过对社会主义传统的叙事重构。

The past might be reflected in many ways: from dark visions of the bad old days to happy visions of the good old days. In general, however, the past is elevated from minor and invisible to important. The tourism narratives unveil the complexity of socialist life (pre-socialist, socialist, and anti-socialist narratives), and the local population, instead of being a passive victim of the tourist industry, actively engages in constructing the image of socialist Nowa Huta, thus reclaiming their power and legitimizing their histories.

过去可能会以多种方式反映出来：从过去坏日子的黑暗景象到过去好日子的快乐景象。然而，总的来说，过去是从次要的、看不见的提升到重要的。旅游叙事揭示了社会主义生活的复杂性（前社会主义、社会主义和反社会主义叙事），当地居民不是旅游业的被动受害者，而是积极参与构建社会主义诺瓦胡塔人的形象，从而重新夺回权力并使其历史合法化。

CONCLUSIONS

Planned socialist towns, the products of socialist urban planning, were all built to be model communities of socialism in the former Eastern bloc, fostering industrialization and supporting the political regime. For years, they were known as outposts of socialism. After the fall of the socialist system, the towns not only had to deal with problems of economic restructuring, but they also had to create new identities and cope with the trouble of their socialist heritage.

计划社会主义城镇是社会主义城市规划的产物，在前东部地区都被建设成社会主义的模范社区，促进工业化，支持政治政权。多年来，他们被称为社会主义的前哨。社会主义制度崩溃后，城镇不仅要处理经济结构调整的问题，还要创造新的身份，应对其社会主义遗产带来的麻烦。

Many authors have analyzed the issue of socialist heritage in the former Eastern bloc. This analysis has applied and furthered the framework proposed by Young and Kaczmarek,92 which refers to three typical strategies for transforming ex-socialist town identities: decommunization, the return to a pre-socialist Golden Age, and Westernization/Europeanization. This research has unveiled the complex situation of socialist heritage in the planned socialist towns Visaginas, Tychy, and Nowa Huta, which have no pre-socialist history and little or no other symbolic resources other than those from the socialist era.

许多作者分析了前东方集团的社会主义遗产问题。该分析应用并推进了Young和Kaczmarek（92）提出的框架，该框架提及了三种典型的改造前社会主义城镇身份的策略：去共产主义、回归前社会主义黄金时代以及西化/欧洲化。这项研究揭示了计划中的社会主义城镇维萨吉纳斯、堤基和诺瓦胡塔的社会主义遗产的复杂情况，这些城镇没有社会主义前的历史，除了社会主义时代的历史之外，几乎没有或根本没有其他象征性资源。

Planned socialist towns, acting on the basis of limited symbolic resources, actively construct and promote a de-ideologized image of a young, green town. This is the case of Visaginas where migrants from the former USSR mostly inhabit the town. It also only has a weak identification with Western Europe and literally no pre-socialist history. For this reason, the myth of the pre-socialist Golden Age is absent, and attempts to Europeanize/Westernize are weak. A significant academic contribution from the case of Visaginas is that of bifurcated place identity. For example, some symbolic resources referring to the socialist past are maintained or recreated in new, ―softer‖ forms, but the official discourse and institutionally sustained place identity deny or try to minimize any imprints of the socialist past on contemporary identity.

计划中的社会主义城镇基于有限的象征性资源，积极构建和提升年轻绿色城镇的非意识形态化形象。维萨尼亚就是这样，来自前苏联的移民大多居住在该镇。它对西欧的认同感也很弱，实际上没有社会主义前的历史。因此，前社会主义黄金时代的神话并不存在，欧洲化/西方化的尝试也很弱。Visaginas案例的一个重要学术贡献是分岔的地点认同。例如，一些涉及社会主义过去的象征性资源以新的、更“软”的形式被保留或重新创造，但官方话语和制度上持续的场所身份否认或试图最小化社会主义过去对当代身份的任何印记。

Tychy, in contrast to Visaginas, has both a rather rich pre-socialist and socialist history. Ironically, the key component of the new city identity is the image of a green town with multiple parks, lakes, and other places for outdoor activities. The socialist heritage has been all but forgotten and is literally absent from any kind of promotional materials. The symbolic resources of the pre-socialist Golden Age are partially mobilized to create a new place identity. Even though there are strong attempts to promote Tychy as a European/Western town, the ironic mimicry of the West (the case of the Pyramid hotel) merely creates contrasting effects and illuminates the post-socialist nature of its surroundings.

与维萨吉纳斯相比，堤基有着相当丰富的前社会主义和社会主义历史。具有讽刺意味的是，新城市形象的关键组成部分是一个拥有多个公园、湖泊和其他户外活动场所的绿色城镇形象。社会主义遗产几乎被遗忘，任何宣传材料都没有。前社会主义黄金时代的象征性资源被部分动员起来，以创造一种新的场所身份。尽管有人极力宣传堤基是一个欧洲/西方城镇，但对西方的讽刺模仿（金字塔酒店的案例）只会产生对比效果，并阐明其周围环境的后社会主义性质。

In Nowa Huta, attempts at inventing a pre-socialist Golden Age and at Westernization are insignificant or absent. The identity of Nowa Huta is strongly based on its socialist heritage. Decommunization has happened here not by the removal of socialist heritage but by its narrative reframing. The past is reflected in many ways — dark visions of the bad old days and happy visions of the good old days. The distancing from the past happens via ironic gazes, but in general, the past has been elevated from minor and invisible to important.

在诺瓦胡塔，创造前社会主义黄金时代和西化的尝试微不足道或根本不存在。诺瓦胡塔人的身份主要基于其社会主义传统。在这里，社会隔离的发生并不是因为社会主义传统的消失，而是因为它的叙事重构。过去在很多方面都有反映——过去糟糕时光的黑暗景象和过去美好时光的快乐景象。与过去的距离是通过讽刺的目光来实现的，但总的来说，过去已经从次要的、看不见的提升到重要的。

Planned socialist towns, coping with their socialist heritage and trying to redefine their identities, use ideologically ambivalent strategies. These include an ironic remembrance of the socialist past alongside ironic mimicry of the West, private nostalgia for the socialist past and public denial of its existence, and, finally, the use of de-ideologized images of green, young towns while other symbolic recourses are absent, insufficient, or considered illegitimate.

计划中的社会主义城镇，为了应对其社会主义遗产并试图重新定义其身份，使用了意识形态上矛盾的策略。其中包括对社会主义过去的讽刺记忆，以及对西方的讽刺模仿，对社会主义过去的私人怀旧和对其存在的公开否认，最后，在其他象征性资源缺失、不足或被认为非法的情况下，使用绿色、年轻城镇的非意识形态形象。

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTOR

Rasa Balockaite is an associate professor of Sociology, at Vytautas Magnus University, Kaunas, Lithuania. She is teaching in the Department of Social and Political Theory. Please send correspondence to: Rasa15@gmail.com