第13章 独树一帜：柏林和巴黎时期(1824 - 1827)(3)
There can be little doubt that Hegel was deeply troubled by his relationship with Ludwig and how things had turned out, and it is also clear that he also bore a good amount of the responsibility for the fact that it went so badly. Although Hegel had always been fairly good at shaking off the messiness of private life, it is highly unlikely that he was completely able to do so vis-Tvis his failed relationship with Ludwig. For his generation, Hegel was a man quite close to his sons and clearly involved with their upbringing; his desperate failure with Ludwig must have weighed on him more than he ever admitted to anybody, maybe even to himself.
几乎毫无疑问，黑格尔被自己与路德维希的关系以及事情的最终结果深深困扰，同样明显的是，他还被这一大堆糟糕的状况弄得忧心忡忡。黑格尔向来善于干脆利落地处理私人生活事务，但面对与路德维希失败的关系，他却无法轻易脱身。就黑格尔这一代人而言，他算是与三个儿子关系都很密切，并且明显关心他们每个人的成长，他在与路德维希关系上令人绝望的失败，想必给他带来的压力比他向某些人承认的，甚至比他自己所意识到的都要大。
Paris: “The Capital of the Civilized World”
A Prudential Trip to Paris
At the beginning of the year (1827), Hegel and his friends were given more reason to worry about whether Hegel was in favor in the inner circles of the Prussian government. When royal awards were handed out at the beginning of the year, Prof. Ideler (one of the original members of the recently founded Society for Scientific Criticism) was awarded the Order of the Red Eagle, Third Class (which, although not bestowing the right to add a noble “von” to one’s name, was nonetheless a great honor). Strikingly, Hegel was passed over, and not only that: One of the leading intellectuals in Germany, an intellectual celebrity in Berlin, had been ignored very shortly after the large and boisterous celebration of his birthday had been reported, which had angered the king.^^ His friends were appalled; Hegel himself must have been disap¬ pointed (even a bit), but he prudently kept quiet about the matter. The attacks on Hegel, however, did not let up. The Cousin affair, the Gans affair, the “counter-Academy,” Hegel’s own defiant, self-assured, sar¬ castic style - all this was simply too much for the conservatives in Berlin. Even those who did not like Hegel personally began to become worried about the passions that were boiling around him. August Boeckh, the classicist at Berlin and friend of Schleiermacher and Savigny, noted by August 1827 that Hegel “was being attacked from all sides, and indeed in a impertinent and unjust way, since he is just now starting to moderate himself. . . the people who are taking sides against him are overcome by a blind passion that knows no bounds . . . that has to do only with [Hegel’s] personality.”^^ And it was surely all the more vexing to Hegel’s detractors that even as the atmosphere was heating up around Hegel, his own celebrity just continued to rise. Even auto¬ graph seekers were now writing to him asking for some specimen of his writing.
巴黎：“文明世界的首都”
一次谨慎的巴黎之旅
1827年初，黑格尔及其朋友有理由担心黑格尔是否还能得到普鲁士政界人士的赏识。当年初发放皇家奖品时，伊德勒教授（最近创建的《科学批评协会》最初成员之一）被授予三级红鹰爵士勋章（这个级别虽没有在名字前加上高贵的“冯”的权利，但仍然是很高的荣誉）。令人震惊的是，黑格尔却遭到了冷落，而且不仅仅如此：作为德国一流的知识分子，在柏林知识界享有极高威望，且刚刚报道了他气派热闹的生日宴会（该报道还引起了国王的不悦）之后，就遭到了这样的待遇。他的朋友们都为此感到惊讶，黑格尔自己想必也感到失望（甚至是极度失望），但他对此事谨慎地保持沉默。不过，对黑格尔的攻击并未就此停止。库赞事件、甘斯事件、“反对学院”、黑格尔自己的挑衅、自我辩护、冷嘲热讽的风格——所有这些都成了柏林街头巷尾议论的话题。甚至那些不喜欢黑格尔的人，从个人角度也开始担忧围绕在黑格尔周围的热烈情绪。奥古斯特·柏克，这位柏林古典主义学者，同时也是施莱尔马赫和萨维尼的朋友，在1827年8月提到黑格尔“正遭到各方的攻击，实际上是以一种鲁莽而公正的方式遭到各方攻击，既然他现在已开始收敛……那些反对他的人被一种无边界的……只与[黑格尔的]人格有关的盲目激情冲昏了头脑”。无疑，所有这些诋毁者更让黑格尔烦恼的是，一种特定的氛围在他周围沸腾起来，而他自己的声望却恰恰在不断提升。甚至连署名“探索者”的人现在都写信给他，索要他作品的一些样本。
As Hegel’s birthday approached, his doctor advised him to visit a spa for his health, thus giving Hegel an excuse to be away from Berlin so that his friends could not “surprise” him again with a large celebration of his birthday. He wrote to Altenstein in June asking for money to finance a trip, and, as usual, Altenstein procured 300 Thalers to under¬ write the enterprise. Hegel then wrote to Cousin, mentioning that he would like to visit Paris but that he did not think he could swing the necessary money for the trip; and Cousin replied in July asking Hegel to come visit him in Paris. This was more than just a welcome invita¬ tion; Paris was obviously a place that Hegel, with his intense interest in the Revolution and in all things French, would have loved to visit. The arrangements were finalized, and in the middle of August, Hegel set out for Paris.
随着黑格尔生日的临近，医生建议他为了健康去温泉度假，这就给了黑格尔离开柏林的理由，这样朋友们就不会再想着为他举办盛大的生日宴会给他“惊喜”。他在6月写信给阿尔滕施泰因，请求为他的外出旅行提供资金，像往常一样，阿尔滕施泰因为他筹措了300泰勒，以确保他能成行。黑格尔随后写信给库赞，提到自己很想去巴黎旅游，但觉得自己负担不起这次旅行所需的费用。库赞在7月回复黑格尔，邀请他到自己巴黎的家中做客。这不仅仅是一次客套的邀请，巴黎显然是黑格尔很想去参观的地方，因为他对法国大革命以及法国的一切都怀有浓厚的兴趣。最终安排妥当，8月中旬，黑格尔启程前往巴黎。
The trip was in its usual way terribly uncomfortable, but Hegel made the best of it, stopping off in Halle to see his former student, F. W. Hinrichs, and stopping off to see other friends along the way, including his good friend the banker Joseph Mendelssohn, who had a large estate outside of Koblenz. Mendelssohn, born in 1770 like Hegel, was the son of the philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and the uncle of the composer Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, who was later to study aesthetics with Hegel; he showed Hegel the local sights, and Hegel, ever the happytourist and for once enjoying himself in high bourgeois surroundings, clearly enjoyed himself. From there, Hegel traveled to Trier, and man¬ aged to indulge in one of his long-standing interests, namely, drinking very good Mosel wine. But however much Hegel enjoyed being places, getting there was getting to be vexing for the fifty-seven-year-old phi¬ losopher; He told Marie, “The bodily fatigues are insignificant, but the spiritual fatigue consists in the lack of doing any work and in a lack of conversation with you that’s been exchanged for conversation with meaningless company.””
这次旅途一如既往地令人极为不适，但黑格尔努力去适应。途中，他在哈勒看望了自己以前的学生F.W.亨里奇，还顺道拜访了其他友人，其中包括好友约瑟夫·门德尔松，这位银行家在科布伦茨郊区有一处大房产。门德尔松和黑格尔一样生于1770年，是哲学家莫泽斯·门德尔松的儿子，也是作曲家费利克斯·门德尔松 - 巴托尔迪的叔叔。门德尔松不久后向黑格尔学习美学，他陪着黑格尔游览当地的风景名胜。黑格尔，作为一个乐观的游客，这次在中产阶级的高级环境中享受，显然十分开心。从哈勒出发，黑格尔又前往特里尔旅行，尽情沉浸在他长期以来的爱好之一——品尝上等法国摩泽尔酒之中。然而，无论黑格尔多么欣赏这些地方，前往这些地方却让这位57岁的哲学家感到烦恼。他告诉玛丽：“身体的疲劳倒无关紧要，精神上的疲惫在于无事可做，以及无法与你交流，只能和无趣的同伴相处。”
His spirits immediately picked up after crossing the border to France and getting under way from Metz to Paris. The coach passed through important sites of the French Revolution, even going through Valmy, and Hegel could see from the coach the famous windmills where the French revolutionary army had routed the combined German forces in 1792. All of this revived, as he said, “memories of my youth, when I took the greatest interest in all this.”” (He also, of course, stopped off to sample champagne on the way.) On September 2, Hegel arrived in Paris around 10:00 A.M. and checked into his lodgings (the Hotel des Princes), which he discovered to be too expensive for his budget, and, after having looked up Cousin and begun his preliminary sightseeing, transferred himself to another, more suitable set of lodgings, the Hotel Empereur Joseph II (at the corner of Rue Tournon and Rue Vaugirard, directly across from the Luxembourg Gardens).
在跨越法国边境进入法国后，黑格尔精神迅速振奋起来，从梅斯到巴黎的一路上都兴致勃勃。马车穿梭在法国大革命的一些重要遗址之间，甚至途经瓦尔米，黑格尔从马车上可以看到著名的风山，1792年法国革命军就是在那里向德国联军发起攻击。这一切唤起了他所说的“年轻时的记忆，那时我对所有这些都怀有极大的兴趣”。（当然，他还在途中短暂停留品尝香槟酒。）9月2日上午10时左右，黑格尔抵达巴黎，登记入住旅社（亲王饭店），但他发现这家饭店住宿费太贵，远超预算。在拜访过库赞并开始初步观光后，他换到了另一家更适合自己居住的旅馆——皇帝约瑟夫二世饭店，该饭店位于托侬大街和佛基拉街的角落，正对着卢森堡花园。
Hegel as Parisian Tourist
Like almost all first visitors to Paris, Hegel was simply overwhelmed and enchanted. It is unclear what high expectations he had of Paris, but it is clear that the city surpassed them. The magnificence, the beauty, the wealth, and the cosmopolitan hustle and bustle fully captivated his imagination. Everything in Berlin paled before Paris; the Parisian build¬ ings were grander, everything was in better shape, and, he noted, each faculty at the university even had its very own palais^ which was itself as large as the single palais in Berlin that served for the whole university! The shops w ere grander, larger, and there were more of them; the cafe life was more vibrant - the Cafe des Ambassadeurs and the Cafe de L’Aurore were like the pub Zelten in Berlin “only there were ten times as many people” there and the crowds were more mixed.” One can, Hegel noted with great admiration, read all newspapers from every¬ where in the cafes for only a pittance; the churches were grand, the libraries along with the various collections of art and of natural history were simply breathtaking, the people were industrious and honest, and the Louvre was simply incomparable. The cultural life of the city was an abundance of riches. I am, he wrote to Marie on his arrival, now in the “capital of the civilized world.
巴黎观光客黑格尔
和几乎所有首次前往巴黎的游客一样，黑格尔仿佛进入了一个魔幻世界。不清楚他之前对巴黎的期望有多高，但显然这座城市超出了他的预期。这里的富丽堂皇、宏伟壮丽、繁华富庶，以及国际大都市的喧嚣热闹与行人如织，都完全超乎他的想象。相比之下，柏林的一切显得黯然失色。巴黎的建筑庄严雄伟，一切都井然有序。他注意到，大学的每个系甚至都有自己的会堂，而且每个系的会堂竟和柏林用作整个大学的会堂一样大！与柏林相比，巴黎的商场更加宏伟高大，数量也更多。咖啡馆让生活更加充满活力，大师餐厅咖啡馆和钢琴酒吧咖啡馆类似于柏林的帐篷酒吧，“只是顾客人数多十倍”，顾客的身份也更加多样化。黑格尔极其羡慕地提到，在这里，人们只需花一点钱，就可以在咖啡馆阅读来自法国各地的所有报纸。教堂富丽堂皇，那些拥有各种艺术藏品和自然史藏品的图书馆简直令人惊叹。这里的人们勤劳诚实，卢浮宫更是举世无双。巴黎的文化生活丰富多彩，他一到达巴黎，就在给玛丽的信中写道，自己现在置身于“文明世界的首都”。
Just as he had been in Holland, he was also struck by the sheer wealth of Paris as contrasted with what seemed like much more provincial Berlin. As he noted to Marie, “I especially wished you could see the Palais Royal, the Paris within Paris. The infinite number of boutiques, the abundance of merchandise, the most beautiful jewelry and costume jewelry shops fill one with astonishment. But every street is embellished with the same overabundance and splendor. Everything is available everywhere.”” In Paris, everything was more spacious, more comforta¬ ble, and more elegant than in Berlin.
正如他去荷兰时感到震惊一样，巴黎的极度富裕也让他惊叹不已，相比之下，柏林更像是一个省城。他对玛丽写道：“我特别希望你能看看这座皇宫，巴黎中的巴黎。还有数不胜数的时尚小店、琳琅满目的商品、最漂亮的珠宝和珠宝装饰店，让人惊叹不已。而且每条街道都同样装饰得奢华富丽。一切所需之物随处可得。”在巴黎，一切都比在柏林显得更加宏大、舒适和雅致。
He also took great interest in the offerings in the various theaters in Paris. He was even able to see the great English actor Charles Kemble, and the legendary Irish actress Henrietta Smithson, perform Shake¬ speare at the newly opened English Theater in Paris; he followed the plays by reading along in the English editions he had procured, although it did seem to him that the actors were speaking rather fast. He was certainly not impressed with British methods of acting; they seemed too melodramatic - involving too much “growling” and “grimacing,” as he put it - to be enjoyable; Hegel also remarked that it was “amazing how they [the British] botch Shakespeare,” a common sentiment among the Romantic Germans and interesting for the fact that Hegel expressed it in that context; after all, only one year later he was chiding Ludwig Tieck in print for expressing very much that same view - “the English, one would think, understand their Shakespeare; they would at the least severely ridicule the petit bourgeois narrow-minded obscurity of the continent if we were ... to elevate our studies above their esteem for their poet.”^°
他同样对巴黎各种不同剧院的演出产生了浓厚兴趣。他甚至观看了英国大牌演员查尔斯·肯布尔和爱尔兰传奇女演员哈丽雅特·史密森在巴黎新开张的英国剧院出演的《莎士比亚》剧目，他一边观看演出，一边阅读自己购买的英文版剧本，尽管在他看来演员们的对白速度相当快。他对英国人的表演方式并没有留下太深刻的印象，它们似乎过于情绪化——如他所指出的，涉及太多的“咆哮”和“痛苦状”，让人难以喜欢。黑格尔还评论道：“令人哭笑不得的是，他们[英国人]怎么把莎士比亚笔下的人物塑造成具有德国浪漫派那种平常的情怀。”有趣的是，黑格尔在这种语境下表达的观点，与仅仅一年后他在信中斥责路德维希·蒂克时表达的看法如出一辙——“人们总认为，英国人绝对理解他们自己的莎士比亚；如果我们要……让自己的研究凌驾于他们对自己诗歌的尊敬之上，英国人至少应该极大地嘲笑欧陆心胸狭窄的小资产阶级思想的晦涩难懂。”
He was also able to take in the French theater - he was not much impressed with much of it, but he did claim, after seeing Moliere’s Tartuffe, finally to understand why that play was a comedy and not a farce - and he went to a number of concerts and opera performances, some of which he found inferior to Vienna - but then who was he to complain amid such a surplus of cultural riches.^ (He was, however, puzzled why the Parisian audience would applaud even in those cases when it seemed to him clear that the cast did not deserve it.)*' But in general the Parisian French presented a model of what civilized, modern life was supposed to be. They did not, for example, find much at stake in what Hegel described as “the idiotic German honor of having spoken with so-and-so”; it just was not done, and so much the better, he thought. The French even seemed to be able to express their emotions more calmly and with more definiteness than “we [Germans],” some¬ thing he particularly recommended to Marie: “How often do I tell you that you should state the matter without such sensitivity,” he wrote, adding as if to remove the potential rebuke from that remark, “yet your vivacity is often quite attractive on you.”*^ When Marie observed in a letter to him that there much less fire in his tone than when he wrote from Vienna, Hegel replied by noting that he was by no means any the less enthusiastic; Paris was simply more overwhelming, there was simply too much to see and do, and one would need much more time really to take it all in.“
他也能看懂法国戏剧，虽然对其中很多内容印象不深，但在观看莫里哀的《伪君子》后，他宣称终于明白为什么这出戏是喜剧而非滑稽剧。此外，他去听了很多场音乐会，观看了很多场话剧表演，其中一些场次让他觉得不如维也纳的同类节目。但另一方面，置身于如此丰富的文化财富之中，他又能抱怨什么呢？（不过，让他困惑的是，为何巴黎观众即便在一些明显不值得称赞的情况下，依然总是大加称赞。）然而，总体而言，巴黎的法国人代表着被认为是文明的现代生活典范。例如，他认为这里找不到很多被他描述为“德国人口头禅‘如此如此’的那种白痴般的尊敬”这样的问题，在巴黎恰恰不存在这种痴人说梦般的言论，这是巴黎法国人比德国柏林人高明之处。他还觉得法国人甚至在他看来能更心平气和、更加笃定地表达自己的情感，而“我们[德国人]”做不到，他特意将这点推荐给玛丽。他写道：“我常常告诉你，不要如此敏感地陈述问题。”似乎为了消除这句话中潜在的指责，他又补充道：“你天真活泼的样子仍然常常吸引着我。”当玛丽在他的一封信中察觉到他话语中少了在维也纳时来信中的那种火一般的激情时，黑格尔回复强调他的热情丝毫未减，巴黎实在是越发让人难以抗拒，这里有看不完的东西，做不完的事，人们确实需要更多时间来领略这一切。
Hegel also had his ups and downs as a foreign tourist in Paris. For all its pleasures, the city seemed maybe a bit too disorderly, perhaps partaking of a little too much hustle and bustle for his more orderly, Wiirttemberg-Berlin tastes. (He ruefully noted to Marie that the disor¬ der of the Revolution, as far as he could see, was “still in full swing” in Paris.)*"' Hegel also had his own bit of trouble with the Parisian cuisine and the Parisian culinary mores. Hegel found it difficult to come to terms with the fact that Parisians such as Cousin liked to eat around 5:00 in the afternoon, whereas he (“like all rational Germans,” he said ironically) preferred eating between 1:00 and 2:00 P.M. Moreover, his French vocabulary, so well suited to reading Montesquieu and Rous¬ seau, completely failed him when it came to deciphering the French menus he encountered. When he and Cousin ate together (which at first was every day). Cousin took care of the ordering, but, as he complained, “if I am alone I do not know what the enormous list on the menu means.”*’ (Who knows what Hegel accidentally found himself eating?) Hegel extricated himself from his culinary dilemma by finding a table d’hote that had everything out on display so he could see what he was getting. Finally, Parisian food and libation caught up with him, and he contracted a bad case of indigestion that lasted at least a week; he squarely blamed it on the Seine water or on the Parisian way of life (by which he meant Parisian cooking). After his week-long bout with indi¬ gestion, Hegel decided to play it safe; he managed to find a table d’hote that had German cooking and he made that his preferred haunt for the rest of his stay. Hegel, the gastronome and Francophile, loved Paris but found its Gallic cuisine to have bested him.
黑格尔作为外国观光客在巴黎也有自己的酸甜苦辣。除了巴黎所有令人愉悦的事物之外，这座城市在黑格尔看来或许过于杂乱无章、车水马龙，不符合他那更倾向有序的符腾堡 - 柏林式品味。（他悲伤地告诉玛丽，法国大革命带来的混乱，在他所能看到的范围内，“仍然让巴黎充满动荡不安”。）黑格尔自己对法国烹饪和烹饪风格也有些不适应。他很难接受像库赞那样下午5点左右吃饭的习惯，尽管他（“像所有理性的德国人一样”，他不无讽刺地说道）更喜欢在下午1点到2点之间用餐。不仅如此，他的法语水平虽足以解读孟德斯鸠和卢梭的作品，但在面对法国菜谱需要翻译时，却完全无能为力。当他和库赞一起就餐时（起初他每天都和库赞一起吃饭），库赞负责看菜单点菜，然而，黑格尔抱怨道：“如果我单独一人，那么我根本不知道菜单上一长串菜名是什么意思。”（又有谁知道黑格尔一时之间要如何选择吃什么呢？）后来他找到了一家自选餐馆，所有菜肴和食物都摆在桌上，这样他就能看到自己打算点的饭菜，从而解决了饮食上的困境。最终，法国的食物和美酒让他欲罢不能，结果他患上了严重的消化不良，病情至少持续了一个星期。他干脆将此归咎于塞纳河水或法国人的生活方式（他指的是法国人的烹饪）。在饱受一周消化不良之苦后，黑格尔决定谨慎行事，他设法找到了一家由德国人掌勺的自助餐馆，并将其作为在巴黎逗留期间余下时间里经常用餐的地方。黑格尔这位美食家兼亲法者热爱巴黎，而他发现巴黎的高卢美食已成为他的最爱。
But there were many other things to take his mind off his gurgling stomach. He visited the libraries and met with local scholars, and al¬ though he used his Parisian stay for “uplift” (he studied the art, read books, visited libraries, and gathered impressions that he would later work into his lectures on aesthetics), he also satisfied his tourist in¬ stincts, even noting that he had to put up with the way Cousin “made fun of him” when he “saw and found noteworthy to see what the conscience of a traveler and the Manuel des Etrangers’’’ told him to see.** He went to Versailles; he very much liked the buildings and grounds but found the gardens too “old French” to be of much interest, prefer¬ ring the more English gardens of the Trianon. He went to Montmarte and admired the view. More memorably, he went to visit Rousseau’s old haven at the Eremitage in Montmorency, where Rousseau had written so many of his famous works; to get there, Hegel had to ride a donkey, but, as far as Hegel was concerned, a trip on a donkey in the sun was worth it to see a Rousseau site, since such a place was, after all, a homage to his youth; he even proudly noted that he saw on the grounds a rose bush allegedly planted by Rousseau. He also attended a meeting of the French Academy of Sciences, where he met and spoke with some influential scholars, and he visited the palace of the Chambre de Deputes (the old Bourbon palace transformed into the National Assembly during the Revolution). He visited with special interest the various sites associated with the Revolution, and he also visited the various modern buildings that Napoleon had erected, obviously to get some grasp on what kind of rational rebuilding the Revolution and the man who completed it had put in place. He visited the modern abattoir (slaughterhouse) that Napoleon had erected to rid the city of the slaugh¬ terhouses in the middle of the city, which until then had occupied prominent places on one of the main roads (the Quai) beside the river, he visited the stock exchange that Napoleon had erected (“What a temple,” Hegel exclaimed, a clear mark of his modernizing sensibility and his sense that the stock exchange was the new “sacred” site of modern society); he visited these and other modern sites that “Paris still owes Napoleon - like a hundred other great things.”^’
不过，还有许多其他事情让黑格尔无暇顾及不适的胃。他参观图书馆，结识当地学者；利用这次在法国的短暂停留“提升自己”（他学习艺术、读书、参观图书馆，留下的深刻印象后来融入了他的美学讲座）。他从心底热爱旅行，甚至还强调，他不得不忍受库赞拿他开玩笑的方式，因为他看到并觉得很值得去参观“一个旅行者和陌生参观者的良心”告诉他应该去参观的地方。他去了凡尔赛，非常喜欢那里的建筑和地面，但觉得花园过于“古代法国化”，以致兴趣缺缺，相比之下，他更喜欢左岸特丽亚农更具英国特色的花园。他去了蒙马特，赞美那里景色迷人。更具纪念意义的是，他去参观了位于蒙莫朗西埃雷米塔热的卢梭故居，卢梭的许多名篇佳作都是在那里完成的。为了去那里，黑格尔不得不骑驴，但在他看来，顶着大太阳骑驴去瞻仰卢梭故居非常值得，因为这个地方自他青年时代起就一直让他满怀敬意。他甚至自豪地提到，他看到了地上一行据称是卢梭亲手栽种的玫瑰。他还出席了法国科学院会议，在会上与一些有影响力的学者交流切磋，同时参观了大议会所在地卢森堡宫（旧波旁皇室宫殿在法国大革命期间成为国会）。他饶有兴趣地参观了各种与法国大革命相关的遗址，同时还参观了各式各样由拿破仑主持建造的现代建筑，这些显然让他对合理地重新评判法国大革命及其完成者应处于何种恰当地位有了一些感悟。他参观了由拿破仑主持建造的现代化屠宰场（abattoir），当年拿破仑意在搬走位于市中心的屠宰场，这个旧屠宰场直到那时仍占据着沿河一条主要道路（码头）的显著位置；他参观了拿破仑主持创办的证券交易所（“多好的一个场所”，黑格尔惊讶地评论道，这显然表明他对现代化非常敏感，并且意识到证券交易所是现代社会新的“神圣”之地）。他参观了上述遗址和其他现代遗址，感慨道：“巴黎现在仍然属于拿破仑——就像其他100个重大事件也都与拿破仑有关一样。”
Hegel even got himself into an incident which would have been terribly embarrassing if he had actually realized what was going on (although, as far as we know, he never found out the details). Hegel’s colleague Friedrich von Raumer (the historian) was visiting Paris at the same time as Hegel, and both von Raumer and Hegel had a reputation in Berlin as great habitues of the theater. After going to a play featuring the famous French actress Anne Fran9oise Mars (another favorite of Napoleon’s), Hegel learned that von Raumer had in fact met Mademoi¬ selle Mars, and when von Raumer waxed enthusiastically to Hegel about Mademoiselle Mars, Hegel, quite accustomed to being on a personal basis with such actresses as Henriette Sontag and Anna MilderHauptmann in Berlin, became quite excited about meeting her. Von Raumer ventured that he should ask Cousin to arrange a meeting with Mars. According to von Raumer (who made this known only after Hegel’s death). Cousin, quite agitated, then came to him and explained that Hegel, with his “personality and manner of speaking,” would only invite members of the French theatrical world to make fun of both of them. Von Raumer confessed to having given Hegel the idea in the first place and suggested (on his account of the affair) that Cousin explain to Hegel that he (von Raumer) was a man of notorious bad taste, that meeting Mademoiselle Mars simply was not worth it, and that there were other actresses and theatrical people who were much more inter- esting to meet but who were unfortunately not in town at the moment. If this was indeed the ruse that von Raumer claimed it was, it worked. Hegel wrote to his wife somewhat disdainfully of von Raumer’s atten¬ tions to Mars, noting that “Raumer has an audience today at noon with Mademoiselle Mars; he just has to be with all actresses; Cousin finds it ludicrous to go to see her - he would have taken me to [Fran9oisJoseph] Talma or Mde. Pasta were they still here.”“
黑格尔甚至还卷入了一件事，倘若他当时清楚这件事可能引发的后果，很可能会让他陷入极其尴尬的境地（尽管就我们目前所知，他始终没弄清楚事情的全貌）。黑格尔的同事弗里德里希·冯·劳默尔（这位历史学家）与黑格尔同一时间在巴黎游览，两人在柏林就是出了名的戏剧迷。在观看了由法国著名女演员安·弗朗索瓦丝·马尔斯（拿破仑心仪的另一位女演员）主演的戏剧后，黑格尔得知冯·劳默尔已经与马尔斯夫人见过面。当冯·劳默尔满怀激情地向黑格尔夸赞她时，黑格尔，由于一直热衷于与诸如亨利埃特·松塔格和安娜·米尔德 - 豪普特曼这样的女演员单独会面，对能与马尔斯夫人见面一事显得格外兴奋。冯·劳默尔斗胆表示，他应该请求库赞安排黑格尔与马尔斯夫人会面。根据冯·劳默尔的回忆（他在黑格尔去世后才公开此事），库赞听后十分激动，接着解释说，鉴于黑格尔的“个性和说话方式”，让他与马尔斯夫人见面只会被法国戏剧界人士拿来取笑他们俩。冯·劳默尔首先承认让黑格尔产生这个念头不太妥当，随后建议（按照他对此事的叙述）库赞向黑格尔解释：他（冯·劳默尔）本人出了名的粗俗，根本不配与马尔斯夫人会面；而且还有其他女演员和戏剧界人士对与黑格尔会面很感兴趣，只是遗憾的是这些人当时都不在城里。如果这件事真如冯·劳默尔所说的是个计策，那么这个计策确实起了作用。黑格尔在给妻子的信中略带轻蔑地提到冯·劳默尔与马尔斯夫人见面一事：“劳默尔今天中午一直在谈论马尔斯夫人，他好像非得和所有女演员见面不可；库赞觉得去见她是件荒唐事——他应该带我去见[弗朗索瓦，约瑟夫]塔尔玛或穆德。简直乱套了，他们却毫无行动。”
Hegel and the French Liberals
His interest in the Revolution and visiting its sites also got him to read Fran9ois Auguste Marie Mignet’s Histoire de la Revolution frangaise jusqu’en 1814, which had been published in 1824; Hegel described Mig¬ net’s history of the Revolution as “currently the best history” of the subject.^’ Around September 29, he shared a meal with Cousin, Mignet, and others (among them Adolphe Thiers, another liberal antirestoration historian, later to have a more conservative and legendary political career, and who, in 1871, after crushing the Paris Commune, became the president of the French Republic). Mignet (who was about the same age as Cans) belonged to the circle of antirestoration liberals in France who saw the Revolution through Sieyes’ eyes: 1789 had been a victory for the Third Estate, and that victory could simply not be undone. The Revolution, as Mignet presented it, was a decisive watershed, a histori¬ cal break which had made it impossible to “restore” the pre¬ revolutionary order of things; the aristocracy and nobility now had to fit themselves into the modern world created by the Third Estate of political freedom, civil equality, and careers open to talent; there was simply no going back to the age of absolute monarchy and aristocracy as the ruling powers. In Mignet’s interpretation, the years of Robes¬ pierre were not to be disavowed but only to be understood as historically necessary stages of the Revolution that were nonetheless not essential to its real meaning, which was to be found in the triumph of the Third Estate in 1789 and in the end result of constitutional monarchy toward which it was progressing (and which in principle it had already reached).
黑格尔和法国自由主义者
黑格尔对法国大革命及其遗址的参观兴趣浓厚，这促使他阅读了弗朗索瓦·奥古斯特·玛丽·米涅于1824年发表的《直到1814年的法国大革命史》。黑格尔将米涅的这部史学著作描述为关于该主题“当前最好的法国大革命史”。大约在9月29日，他与库赞、米涅以及其他人共进晚餐（其中还有阿道夫·梯也尔，这位自由主义反复辟史学家，后来政治生涯趋于保守且颇具传奇色彩，1871年镇压巴黎公社后成为法兰西共和国总统）。米涅（与甘斯年龄相仿）属于法兰西反复辟自由主义者一派，他以西哀士的视角看待法国大革命，认为1789年是第三等级的胜利之年，这场胜利势在必得。如米涅所描述的，法国大革命是一个决定性的分水岭，是一次历史性的断裂，因为法国大革命使得“恢复”革命前的秩序已无可能；贵族和权贵如今必须去适应由第三等级创造的、具有政治自由、权利平等和任人唯贤特点的现代世界，绝不可能再回到君主专制和贵族统治的时代。按照米涅的解释，罗伯斯比尔当政时期不应被忽视，而应被视为法国大革命中一个历史必然的阶段，这个阶段对于法国大革命的真正意义而言并非关键，真正的意义体现在1789年第三等级的胜利以及最终形成的、不断进步的（且大体确立的）君主立宪制结果上。
To make this point, Mignet and those who shared his view turned (as had an earlier generation of French revolutionaries) to Britain as a model for how the Revolution was to proceed. In fact, Mignet’s history tended to see the French Revolution as necessarily progressing through the same stages as the earlier British upheaval: the beheading of the king, followed by anarchy and then dictatorship, which was succeeded and consummated by a regime of constitutional monarchy with repre¬ sentative government after a change of dynasties had been effected.™ The end result of both the English and French revolutions was em¬ phatically not democracy (rule by the “multitude,” as Mignet had put it, and which he had seen as an unfortunate although necessary phase of the Revolution around 1793) but constitutional monarchical rule in which the idea of the career open to talent ruled and only those who had the talent, the “enlightened,” were to rule, for they were the ones who were, in Mignet’s words, “alone qualified to control [the force and power of the state] because they alone had the intelligence necessary for the control of government”; the goal of such a regime was, as Mignet put it, to “let all share in the rights when they are capable of gaining them.”” The rule of the “multitude” had only been necessary in those days when the Revolution was under attack from other countries, but it had already run its historical course. In Mignet’s analysis, what had emerged from the “anarchy and despotism” of the Revolution was that “the old society was destroyed during the Revolution, and the new one established under the empire.”™
为深入阐述上述观点，米涅和与他持相同见解的人（出生于法国革命早期那代人）将英国革命视为法国大革命应效仿的样板。实际上，米涅的法国大革命史倾向于认为法国大革命必然会经历与早期英国剧变相同的阶段：国王被送上断头台，随后出现无政府状态，接着出现专政政权，最后在王朝更迭后成功地以议会制取代君主立宪制。英法两种革命的最终结果强调的并非民主（“多数人”的统治，如米涅早已论述的，“多数人”的统治在他看来是一种不幸，尽管它是1793年左右法国大革命必须经历的阶段），而是君主立宪统治。在这种统治下，任人唯贤的理念占据主导地位，只有那些有才能或“开明”的人才能担任官职，因为用米涅的话说，他们是“唯一有资格掌控[国家力量和权力]的人，因为唯独他们才具备掌控政府所必需的才智”。这样一个政权的目的，如米涅所论述的，是让“所有有能力获得权利的人都能分享权利”。“多数人”的统治仅在法国大革命遭受其他国家攻击的时期才是必要的，而如今它已完成了历史使命。按照米涅的分析，从法国大革命的“无政府状态和专制统治”中诞生的是“旧社会在法国大革命中被彻底颠覆，新社会在帝国统治下得以建立”。
For Mignet and other French liberals of that circle, a continental interpretation of the English experience was crucial to figuring out how one could institutionalize the freedom evoked and promised by the Revolution, and Hegel, to a large extent, shared that view. Hegel’s friend Varnhagen von Ense, with whom he shared many confidences, spoke at this same period about how Prussian officials thought they had in Hegel a “legitimizing” and fully “Prussian” philosophy but how they had radically failed to discern Hegel’s own deep “predilection for En¬ gland,” his admiration of the “English life of freedom,” which he combined with his “sympathy for the French Revolution” and his full commitment to constitutional government.™ (Hegel’s devotion to the Revolution also appeared in some of his own personal excerpts, done some time in 1827, from Walter Scott’s Life of Napoleon^ Scott viewed the Revolution as a “divine punishment” for France’s and Europe’s sins; Hegel scathingly remarked that his views only consisted of “arro¬ gant phrases,” and that Scott seemed to be “unacquainted with the characteristic principles that demarcate the essence of the Revolution and give them their almost immeasurable power over the minds of people,” concluding his remarks with (in reference to Scott) the excla¬ mation, “insipid mind!”’'*
就米涅和其他法国自由主义者这一派而言，他们对英国人经历的这种欧陆式阐释，对于设想人们如何将法国大革命唤起并承诺的自由制度化至关重要。黑格尔在很大程度上也持有相同看法。黑格尔的友人瓦尔恩哈根·冯·恩泽，和黑格尔一样充满自信，在同一时期提到，普鲁士官员认为自己在黑格尔那里看到了一种“合法化的”“正宗普鲁士人的”哲学，却根本没察觉到黑格尔自己根深蒂固的“偏爱英国”以及他对“英国人自由生活”的仰慕，而“英国人的自由生活”被他与“对法国大革命的同情”以及他对立宪政府的充分认同融合在了一起。黑格尔对法国大革命的见解还体现在他1827年一段时间内对沃尔特·斯科特《拿破仑的生活》所做的独特摘录中。斯科特将法国大革命视为对法国和欧洲罪过的“神圣惩罚”，黑格尔严厉地指出，他的观点只是由“傲慢的言辞”组成，此外，斯科特似乎“不熟悉某些关键原则，这些原则本可用来揭示法国大革命的本质，赋予那些‘傲慢的言辞’难以估量的思想力量”，他以“平淡无奇的思想”结束了对斯科特的评论。
Varnhagen’s personal analysis of Hegel’s position was borne out in Hegel’s appreciation of Mignet, who, coming from a much different direction, had reached conclusions very similar to Hegel’s (although for very different reasons). That Hegel thought Mignet’s own antirestora¬ tion history (which later generations of historians were to dismiss as more of a political broadside than real history) was the “best” currently available is extremely good evidence for what Hegel’s views in 1827 about the Revolution, the restoration, and the reform movement actually were; his endorsement of Mignet is clearly evidence for his own prore¬ form attitudes. In Mignet’s history, Hegel found his own deep commit¬ ment to a certain interpretation of the ideal of 1789 and to the reform movement affirmed; and, given the ways in which Mignet’s interpreta¬ tion neatly dovetailed with Hegel’s own understanding of the necessary progression of modern life and the role of the Revolution in it — with the idea that “everything that is rational must be,” as he had put it to Heine - it is fully intelligible that Hegel both highly valued Mignet’s history and wanted to meet him while in Paris.
瓦尔恩哈根对黑格尔立场的独特分析源于黑格尔对米涅的欣赏，他从截然不同的角度切入，却得出了与黑格尔极为相似的结论（尽管得出结论的原因大相径庭）。黑格尔认为米涅的反波旁王朝复辟历史著作（他的历史著作因进行政治抨击而非撰写真实历史，必将令后代历史学家汗颜）是目前可获取的关于波旁王朝复辟历史方面“最好的历史著作”，这一观点是黑格尔1827年对法国大革命、波旁王朝复辟和改革运动实际看法的有力证据，他对米涅的认可显然也佐证了他自己对改革的态度。在米涅的这部史书中，黑格尔发现他自己对1789年法国大革命特定理想的阐释以及对改革运动的特定阐释得到了深刻体现。鉴于米涅的阐释方式与黑格尔自己对现代生活必然发展以及法国大革命在其中所起作用的理解完全吻合——与黑格尔“凡是合理的都必定会存在”的观点相一致，就像他对海涅所说的——黑格尔高度评价米涅的历史著作，并希望在巴黎期间与他见面，这完全是可以理解的。
In 1827, in the “capital of the civilized world,” Hegel happily found a circle of like-minded, well-placed reformers at work in the capital of the Revolution itself, for whom something like Hegel’s own interpreta¬ tion of the spirit of 1789 still ruled. It is hard to imagine what Hegel could have found more satisfying. In some sense, Hegel felt that in Paris, the city of the Revolution and the birth of modern life, of material abundance and high culture, he was finally home, much more, oddly enough, than when he was in German-speaking Vienna. “When I re¬ turn,” he teasingly wrote to Marie, “we shall speak nothing but French.’”5
1827年，在“文明世界的首都”，黑格尔欣喜地发现，在法国大革命的发源地，依然有身份不凡且志同道合的改革派，对他们来说，类似黑格尔自己对1789年精神的阐释依然占据主导地位。很难想象黑格尔还能找到比这更令他满意的事。从某种意义上说，黑格尔觉得，在巴黎，这个爆发过法国大革命、见证现代生活诞生的城市，这个物质财富丰富、文化高度发达的城市，他甚至比在说德语的维也纳时更有在家的感觉，这着实令人称奇。“等我回到家，”他在信中开玩笑地对玛丽写道，“我们就只说法语。”
Being surrounded by all these up-and-coming historians, politicians, and intellectuals - most of whom were Gans’s age or younger, and many of whom knew Gans - only made Hegel sense what he took to be his old age all the more and, at the same time, it completely revivified him. In one of his letters, he noted that Immanuel wanted to know why he had gotten sick, so he told Marie to tell him that “I am no longer such a spring chicken as he is, I am rather an old father, and I especially wish for an old age and health in order to see him and his brother flourish further and to do my bit to contribute to it.’”^ The trip to Paris was an affirmation of so much of what he had wanted and for which he had worked; it seemed both to reanimate his faith in the progress that he himself had termed “necessary” and to mark out all the more clearly the rise of a new generation that had never experienced the ancien regime themselves, a generation for which he was to be one of the intellectual leaders. It must have struck him that Cousin, who, although born in 1792, was nonetheless older than the young intellectuals now making waves in Paris, but that even Cousin was (like Hegel himself) an embodiment of the “career open to talent” and was the intellectual leader of that circle of younger intellectuals. Hegel could easily see himself as playing Cousin’s role back in Berlin.’’ In Paris, Hegel recap¬ tured his youth; he would be an elder leader of the youthful wing of reform (represented by Cans) in Berlin.
置身于这些未来的历史学家、政治学家和知识分子之中——他们大多数与甘斯年龄相仿或更年轻，且许多人都知晓甘斯——这让黑格尔越发意识到自己眼中的晚年情景，同时也让他精神振奋。在一封信中，他提到伊曼努尔想知道他为什么生病了，为此他让玛丽告诉伊曼努尔：“我不再像他那般年轻，我是位上了年纪的父亲。我特别希望健康长寿，以见证他和他兄弟的似锦前程，并为此尽我绵薄之力。”巴黎之行让他更加坚信自己一直努力的方向，似乎既让他更加相信自己所谓的“必然”发展，又更清晰地看到了从未经历过旧体制的新一代的兴起，对于这代人而言，他必将成为知识分子领袖之一。想必给他留下深刻印象的是，库赞虽然出生于1792年，但相较于某些当下在巴黎风头正盛的年轻知识分子，他依然年长，不过，即便库赞（像黑格尔本人一样）也是“任人唯贤”的代表，是年轻派知识分子的领袖。黑格尔很容易将自己想象成在柏林扮演着类似库赞的角色。在巴黎，黑格尔仿佛回到了年轻时代，他将成为柏林（由甘斯描绘的）年轻改革派的年长领袖。
Returning Home
Cousin, in an act expressing gratitude for Hegel’s courage in Berlin, graciously offered to accompany him to Cologne, an offer that Hegel eagerly accepted. Travel was odious; it was exhausting and, most of all, boring; having Cousin along would make part of the trip at least bear¬ able. They left Paris on October 2 and traveled to Brussels, where Hegel looked up van Ghert; the van Ghert family remarked to him how much better he looked than when he had last visited them. He and Cousin (probably at van Ghert’s suggestion) visited and inspected the buildings at the Catholic university at Louvain; making reference to the troubles he had encountered in the last year with religious issues, he noted to Marie, “We have looked these universities over as a prospective resting place in case the clerics in Berlin spoil Kupfergraben for me. The Curia in Rome would in any event be a more honorable adversary than the misery of that miserable clerical stew in Berlin.”’^ Although van Ghert, of course, would have loved to bring Hegel as a professor to any of the universities under his control - he was already at work trying to estab¬ lish a Hegelian form of modernized Catholicism in the Netherlands Hegel was probably not serious about any of this. His distaste for Catholicism had only been reawakened by the charges brought against him in 1826 by the Catholics in Berlin; his beloved trip to Paris, which at the time was governed by an old alliance of ultra-royalists and con¬ servative Catholics, probably just reminded him of all his former trou- bles with the Catholics in Bavaria. If he ever had any thought of forgetting those troubles, he had recently been reminded of them when a former student, Issak Rust, wrote in March 1827 to tell him about how his (Rust’s) Hegelian book on philosophy and Christianity had been described in a review in the Bayrische Literaturzeitung fiir katholische Religionslehrer {Bavarian Literary Journal for Catholic Religion Teachers) as an example of “Hegelian pantheism,” and to inform him that he. Rust, had been labeled as an adherent of Hegel’s “new, baneful philosophy.”’’
回“家”
库赞为感谢黑格尔在柏林给予他的鼓励，亲切地提议陪他一同前往科隆，黑格尔欣然接受了这一提议。这段旅途单调乏味，令人疲惫不堪，更重要的是，着实无趣。有库赞相伴，至少能让部分旅程变得可以忍受。10月2日，他们离开巴黎前往布鲁塞尔游览，在布鲁塞尔，黑格尔拜访了梵·戈尔特。梵·戈尔特一家对他说，他的气色比上次来的时候好多了。他和库赞（很可能是听从了梵·戈尔特的建议）参观考察了位于洛温的天主教学校校舍。在谈及去年遇到的宗教问题麻烦时，他在给玛丽的信中写道：“万一柏林的传教士把我库普费拉格本街的寓所搞坏了，我们就把正在考察的这些大学当作备用的休息场所。不管怎样，比起柏林牧师那伙卑鄙之徒，罗马的法老都算是值得尊敬的对手了。”梵·戈尔特当然很乐意聘请黑格尔担任他管辖下某些大学的教授——他已经在尝试在荷兰创立一种现代化的黑格尔哲学天主教教义——但黑格尔很可能并未把此事放在心上。他对天主教的厌恶之情，只是让他又想起了1826年柏林天主教徒对他的指控。他心爱的巴黎之旅（当时巴黎还处于极端保皇派和保守天主教徒结成的旧联盟统治之下），很可能又让他想起了之前与巴伐利亚天主教徒结下的所有恩怨。即便他曾有过忘掉这些恩怨的想法，最近也还是又想起来了，因为一个名叫伊萨克·罗斯特的前学生在1827年3月的信中告诉他，罗斯特在哲学和基督教方面的黑格尔主义哲学著作，如何被发表在《巴伐利亚天主教教师文学报》（*Bayrische Literaturzeitung für katholische Religionslehrer*）上的一篇评论，描述成“黑格尔哲学泛神论”的例子，信中还提到罗斯特被打上了黑格尔“新的有害哲学”追随者的印记。
Hegel’s prickly feelings about Catholicism came to the fore when he and Cousin finally reached Cologne. As Cousin remembered the scene, they approached the cathedral and noticed the usual street vendors outside the building selling sacred medals and other religious items that even Cousin himself described as “superstitious.” Intensely irritated by that assemblage of peddlers of religious items, Hegel exclaimed to Cousin, “Here’s your Catholic religion and the sights it offers us! Will I die before I see all this perish.^”**® Cousin took issue with him, claiming that although Christianity was simultaneously both a “religion of the masses” and the “religion of the philosophers,” it ought not be viewed only from the “heights to which we have elevated Saint Augustine, Saint Anselm, Saint Thomas and Bossuet”; Hegel, although nominally agreeing with Cousin’s argument, was obviously not terribly moved by it. He remained. Cousin later concluded, profoundly a man of the eighteenth century, seeing himself as working for its goals (a view that Hegel vis-a-vis his relation to Kant might not have disputed). This, however, did not in any way dampen Hegel’s feelings for Cousin; he remarked to Marie that he had grown “even more fond” of Cousin, and that he immensely enjoyed their conversations amid much eating (of oysters) and drinking (of Mosel wine).®'
黑格尔和库赞最终抵达科隆时，他对天主教的不满情绪达到了顶点。根据库赞对当时场景的回忆，他们走近科隆大教堂，看到教堂外平常的街头小贩在兜售神圣的勋章和其他宗教纪念品，库赞自己都将这类东西描述为“迷信物品”。黑格尔被成群叫卖宗教纪念品的小贩彻底激怒，冲着库赞抱怨道：“这就是你的天主教给我们呈现的景象！难道在我看到这些东西绝迹之前就要死去吗？”库赞与他探讨这个问题，声称既然基督教既是“大众宗教”，也是“哲学家宗教”，那就不应仅仅从“我们把圣奥古斯丁、圣安塞姆、圣托马斯和博叙埃提升到的高度”去考量。黑格尔表面上赞同库赞的观点，但显然并未被其打动。正如库赞后来断言的，黑格尔骨子里依旧是个18世纪的人，他将自己视为为实现18世纪目标而忘我工作的人（这种与康德相关的看法，在黑格尔那里或许并无争议）。然而，这些不同观点丝毫没有影响黑格尔对库赞的情谊。他在给玛丽的信中写道，自己越发“喜欢”库赞了，他非常享受他们一边尽情享用（牡蛎）、畅饮（摩泽尔酒），一边交谈的时光。
After parting from Cousin, Hegel stopped in Aachen, where he once again was able to sit on Charlemagne’s throne (and no doubt felt just as satisfied the second time). He then set off for Weimar (complaining along the way about how the food was no longer as good as it was in France or the Netherlands), where he visited Goethe. His friend from Berlin, Zelter, was already there, and Hegel joined Goethe, Zelter, and others for a dinner with the aging duke of Weimar at Goethe’s house; the next day, he, Zelter, and other parties had lunch with Goethe. Hegel, who idolized Goethe as one of the most significant figures of his youth and who clearly treasured his friendship with the great man, talked with him at length of how things stood in Paris. (Hegel’s own account of that conversation differed from that of Goethe’s daughter-inlaw, who was also present. Hegel noted that Goethe was very interested in what Hegel had to say about current affairs in Paris, and even virtually required Hegel to tell him; Goethe’s daughter-in-law, on the other hand, seemed to think that the mysterious guest - she did not know it was Hegel - simply failed to notice that he was doing all the talking.)*^ But, in Hegel’s defense, Goethe’s erstwhile secretary, Eckermann, noted how much Goethe esteemed Hegel — partly, still, no doubt, for Hegel’s defense of his theory of color - and even Goethe himself later noted how interesting he found Hegel’s descriptions of the Parisian scene;*^ but Goethe was always more critical of and distant from Hegel than was Hegel vis-a-vis Goethe. Hegel felt he had grown up with Goethe and always related to him as the man who had been his youthful hero; Goethe, on the other hand, was never personally attracted to Hegel’s philosophy and even made that clear to friends, however much he appreciated Hegel as an individual and an intellectual and valued (as Eckermann testified) Hegel’s talents as a critic of modern literature.®'^
与库赞分别后，黑格尔在亚琛停留，在那里，他又一次坐上了查理曼大帝的御座（无疑再次感受到了满足）。随后他启程前往魏玛（一路上不停地抱怨饭菜不像法国或荷兰的饭菜那般可口），在魏玛他拜访了歌德。抵达魏玛时，他在柏林的友人策尔特已等候多时，黑格尔与歌德、策尔特等人相聚，在歌德家中与魏玛年迈的公爵共进晚餐。第二天，他、策尔特和其他人又与歌德共进午餐。黑格尔，这位将歌德视为年轻时最重要人物之一并心怀崇拜，显然珍惜与这位伟人友谊的人，与歌德详细谈论了巴黎的现状。（黑格尔自己对这次交谈的叙述，与歌德在世的儿媳妇的叙述有所不同。黑格尔写道，歌德对他情不自禁谈及的巴黎现状很感兴趣，甚至主动要求黑格尔讲给他听；另一方面，歌德的儿媳妇似乎认为这位神秘的客人——她不知道这位客人就是黑格尔——完全没注意到自己是在顺着兴致侃侃而谈。）不过，为黑格尔辩护的是，歌德以前的秘书埃克尔曼写道，歌德是多么尊重黑格尔——无疑部分原因仍是黑格尔对他色彩理论的辩护——甚至歌德本人后来也写道，他觉得黑格尔对巴黎景象的描述十分有趣。然而，与黑格尔对歌德的尊重相比，歌德一直在批评黑格尔，并与他保持一定距离。黑格尔觉得自己是读着歌德的作品长大的，总是将歌德与自己年轻时心目中的英雄联系在一起；而另一方面，歌德个人从未被黑格尔的哲学所吸引，甚至从未向朋友阐释过黑格尔哲学，尽管他非常欣赏黑格尔的为人和学识，也高度评价（正如埃克尔曼所证实的）黑格尔作为现代文学批评家的天分。
During his visit to Weimar, Hegel was also able to take in the local scenery with his good friend from Berlin, Zelter, and to walk once more along the “old, familiar paths of twenty-five years ago.”®® Probably under Zelter’s prodding, he decided to spring for the extra money and rent a private coach together with Zelter for the trip back to Berlin. He rationalized this act of extravagance (at least for a Swabian like himself) to Marie by explaining that for himself and Zelter, being as they were “old men,” the “comfort” of a rental coach “is agreeable and useful” and worth the extra cost.®® The trip back, however, proved not so agreeable to Zelter; Hegel was very anxious to get home, and (probably because he was spending so much extra money) complained incessantly about the coach, the horses, the inns, and everything else along the way; he lost his hat, and he demanded that the coach, as Zelter put it, be “shut tight like an old wine cellar.” When Zelter, tired of it all, finally said enough was enough, Hegel fell into a pout for the rest of the journey.®^ But both Zelter and Goethe were more amused than bothered by Hegel’s uncharacteristic fall from conviviality. Goethe observed with some whimsy that Hegel, the great modern thinker, seemed to be only confirming the old prejudices about philosophers, that “these gentle- men, who take themselves to have command of God, the soul, the world (and nobody has any conception of what those are supposed to mean) are nonetheless not equipped for the ups and downs of the most ordi¬ nary days.”***
在游览魏玛期间，黑格尔还与柏林好友策尔特参观了当地的名胜古迹，再次漫步在“25年前那古老而熟悉的小径上”。可能是在策尔特的鼓动下，他决定额外付费与策尔特合租一辆私人马车返回柏林。他为这个奢侈的举动（至少对像他这样的斯瓦比亚人来说是奢侈的）找理由，向玛丽解释说，对于他和策尔特这样的“老人”而言，租一辆马车所带来的“舒适”是“惬意且有用的”，完全值得额外付费。不过，这次回家的旅程对策尔特来说并非那么惬意。黑格尔因回家而忐忑不安（很可能是因为多花了钱），一路上对马车、马匹、旅馆以及沿途的一切都抱怨连连。他还弄丢了帽子，而他要求乘坐的这辆马车，如策尔特所描述的，“密封得像陈年酒窖一样”。当策尔特听腻了这一切，终于忍不住说“够了”的时候，黑格尔在剩下的旅途中一直闷闷不乐。但是，策尔特和歌德两人并没有因此恼怒，反而被黑格尔异常的情绪低落逗乐了。歌德怀着某种奇怪的想法，认为黑格尔这位现代大思想家似乎只是证实了关于哲学家的古老偏见：“这些先生们，自以为能掌控上帝、灵魂、世界（人们都想不出此三者确切的含义），却被变幻莫测的最平凡的日子弄得手足无措。”
Hegel may have been cranky on his trip from Weimar to Berlin, but, animated and affirmed by his visit to Paris, he quickly reverted to his old self. One of his students observed that “one had to have sat at Hegel’s feet before and after that trip to have noticed how . . . [it] brought about a rejuvenation of the fifty-seven year old” philosopher.**’ Hegel came back from Paris seeing himself more and more as the leader of a school and as the elder statesman of a group of young intellectuals who were going to push through the reform movement in Germany and perhaps in the Netherlands, under van Ghert, and in France, under Cousin; his trip to Paris had proved him right. For Hegel’s personality in the last years of his life, those items stirred together were always a dangerous combination.
黑格尔可能被从魏玛到柏林的旅程弄得心烦意乱，但由于巴黎之行让他精神焕发，并且证实了他之前的许多想法，他很快就恢复了原本的状态。他的一个弟子观察到：“只有在旅行前后都陪伴在黑格尔身边，才能真正注意到……这次旅行是如何让一位57岁的哲学家返老还童的。”黑格尔从巴黎回来后，越发将自己视为一个学派的领袖，以及一群年轻知识分子的代言人。这群知识分子将要完成德国的改革运动，很可能还要完成在梵·戈尔特领导下的荷兰改革运动，以及在库赞领导下的法国改革运动。他的巴黎之行证明了他的判断是正确的。就黑格尔最后几年的生活个性而言，那些潜藏的事件始终是一种危险的组合。
