I
Hegel’s Formation in Old Wiirttemberg
第1章 黑格尔古符腾堡时期思想根基的形成
“Wilhelm”
“威 廉”
1770, A LONG-STANDING CRISIS in the small south German duchy of Wiirttemberg seemed to have found its resolution. The prince of Wiirttemberg, Duke Karl Eugen, and the representative assembly of the estates, the Landtag, reached a constitutional settlement on the rights of Wiirttemberg subjects and the appropriate powers of various bodies in the Wiirttemberg government. The results of this settlement were to lead a British politician some years later to proclaim that there were only two constitutions worth noting, the British and the Wiirttemberg.' The constitutional settlement itself and the circumstances surrounding it were both odd and yet also strangely typical for the time. The mere statement of the issues is enough to give a sense of the complexities of the old regime in Wiirttemberg: The Protestant estates of Wiirttemberg, a more or less untypical feudal institution that had survived into the modern world, had brought a suit before an imperial court of the increasingly irrelevant Holy Roman Empire, of which Wiirttemberg was a member, to force their Catholic prince, Duke Karl Eugen, to legally acknowledge what they took to be their traditional rights; and Duke Karl Eugen, himself always inclined to absolutism and Catholic pageantry, and who had always rigidly resisted any such pressures from the Protestant estates, had come under immense pressure from the emperor of the Holy Roman Empire - the archduke of Austria, himself an absolutizing Catholic monarch - to settle in favor of the Protestants. To add to the complications, much of the pressure on the Catholic emperor of the Holy Roman Empire had come from Karl Eugen’s wife’s uncle, Frederick the Great, the Protestant monarch of Prussia, against whom Karl Eugen had allied Wiirttemberg in a recent war, and who was the enemy of the Catholic Austrian archduke. The settlement nonetheless reaffirmed the traditional rights and privileges of the Wiirttemberg estates, and the Protestant victors took this as the triumph of a righteous Protestant people defending their traditional rights against the absolutizing despotism of a Catholic duke.
1770年德国南部符腾堡小公国长期存在的危机看来好像找到了解决的办法。符腾堡国君卡尔·欧根公爵和议会(Landtag)代表大会，就符腾堡臣民权利和符腾堡政府中不同团体的相应权力，达成了符合宪法精神的和解。这一和解的结果，注定导致多年后一位英国政治家宣称，世上仅有两部宪法值得留意，不列颠宪法和符腾堡宪法。'符合宪法精神的和解本身及其所处的环境，在那时既是奇特的而也是异常典型的。仅仅关于这些问题的说明，就足以使人感觉到古符腾堡政体是何等的复杂：符腾堡新教徒议会，一个多少有点不伦不类的、尚存于现代世界中的封建社会机构，早就向日益脱离符腾堡属其成员的神圣罗马帝国的最高法庭起诉，要求迫使信奉天主教的国君卡尔·欧根公爵，在法律上承认议会成员拥有的传统权利；卡尔·欧根公爵，他本人向来倾向于专制政体和天主教的浮华虚饰，总是刻板地抵抗来自新教徒议会的任何这样的压力，就是这样的一位卡尔·欧根公爵承受着来自神圣罗马帝国皇帝——奥地利大公，他本人也是绝对信奉天主教的君主——的巨大压力，决定支持新教徒。更加复杂的是，信奉天主教的神圣罗马帝国皇帝的诸多压力，以往一直来自于卡尔·欧根的内弟弗雷德里克大帝这位信奉新教的普鲁士君主，弗雷德里克成了卡尔·欧根与符腾堡在一场新近的战争中联手反对的对象，并且是信奉天主教的奥地利大公的敌人。不过，卡尔·欧根公爵和议会代2 表大会，就符腾堡臣民权利和符腾堡政府中不同团体的相应权力，所达成的符合宪法精神的和解，再次确认了符腾堡议会的传统权利和特权，而获胜的新教徒将其视为正直的新教徒的一场胜利，因为他们在反对信奉天主教的公爵绝对化的专制主义同时，捍卫了自身的传统的权利。
In the same year that the duke and the estates reached their constitutional settlement, a minor Protestant functionary at the court of Duke Karl Eugen, Georg Ludwig Hegel, and his wife, Maria Magdalena Louisa Hegel, announced on August 27 the birth of their first child, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel.
也就在公爵和议会达成符合宪法精神的和解这一年，一位在卡尔·欧根公爵宫廷中供职的下级信奉新教官员格奥尔格·路德维希·黑格尔及其妻子玛丽·玛格达莱娜·路易扎·黑格尔，宣称8月27日他们俩第一个孩子格奥尔格·威廉·弗里德里希·黑格尔出生。
G. W. F. Hegel (addressed as “Wilhelm” by his parents, very close friends, and family) was thus born into and grew up in a world comprised of an odd and not terribly coherent mixture of the old and the new. In fact, Hegel did not grow up in anything that could really be called “Germany” at all; he was born instead into the duchy of Wiirttemberg, which itself was part of the Holy Roman Empire - the butt of the joke that it was neither Holy nor Roman nor an Empire. That world was in fact to vanish early in Hegel’s life: By 1806, the Holy Roman Empire in which Hegel had spent his youth suddenly ceased to exist; the small provincial duchy of Wiirttemberg had become the muchexpanded kingdom of Wiirttemberg by virtue of a later duke’s having allied himself with Napoleon Bonaparte; and the epochal “constitutional settlement” of 1770, the year of Hegel’s birth, had been ignored, dismantled, and, given its rapid slide into irrelevance, completely forgotten. The vivid contrasts between Hegel’s cultural background, complexities and oddities of old Wiirttemberg, and his youthful introduction to the world of the Enlightenment both at home and through his education were to color his understanding of both himself and the world around him for the rest of his life. These odd pieces of an incoherent patchwork of practices and traditions set the stage for much of Hegel’s later thought, as the mature Hegel of the nineteenth century tried to come to terms with his eighteenth-century youth.
G.W.F.黑格尔(“威廉”为其父母、挚友和家族所称)因此出生和成长于由奇特而并不可怕的新旧事物的混合物组成的世界。实际上，黑格尔生长的环境，确实根本不能称作“德意志”；他反倒是出生在符腾堡公国，符腾堡公国本身属于神圣罗马帝国一部分——说句笑话，它既不神圣不属于罗马也不是帝国。神圣罗马帝国这样的世界其实很快就在黑格尔的生活中消失了：到1806年，神圣罗马帝国，这一黑格尔度过青年时期的地方，突然不复存在了；符腾堡这地方小公国，凭以前公爵与拿破仑·波拿巴结盟，大大地扩充了符腾堡王国的地盘；1770年，也即黑格尔出生这一年，所达成的划时代的“符合宪法精神的和解”，早已被忽视，早已被摧毁，并且，考虑到它很快瓦解，早已被彻底遗忘。黑格尔的文化背景，古符腾堡的复杂性和奇特性，他在青年时期就已在家乡通过教育接触到的启蒙运动世界，这三者之间所形成的鲜明的反差，必将影响他一生对自己和身边世界的理解。由实践和传统的杂乱无章拼接物所组成的这些奇怪的碎片，为黑格尔后来诸多思想的形成创造了条件，像19世纪成熟黑格尔试图与18世纪青年黑格尔达成妥协一样。
Hegel’s Family and His Early Education
黑格尔的家族与他的早期教育
Hegel came from a moderately well-to-do family of solid Wiirttembergers.^ His father, Georg Ludwig Hegel, had studied law at Tubingen University and was at the time of Hegel’s birth a secretary to the revenue office at the court. Hegel’s father’s family had several generations before been emigres to Wiirttemberg from Austria in the sixteenth century; when Austrian Protestants were required to convert to Catholicism in the 1500s, the ancestor of the Hegel family of Wiirttemberg, Johannes Hegel, a pewterer, had moved from Catholic Austria to Protestant Wiirttemberg rather than give up his Lutheran faith (or at least that was the story the Hegel family told themselves).^ Generations of Hegels had been pastors in Wiirttemberg, a position of no little esteem and importance in the duchy. (The poet Friedrich Schiller was, for example, baptized by a pastor named Hegel in Marbach.) Hegel’s grandfather (Georg Ludwig Christoph) had been the Oberamtmann (ducal commissioner, a kind of high bailiff) for the town of Altensteig, and his great-grandfather (also Georg Ludwig Christoph) had been the Stadtvogt (also a type of ducal commissioner) for the town of Rosenfeld. Hegel’s mother, Maria Magdalena Louisa Hegel (whose maiden name was Fromm), had a father who had been a lawyer at the High Court of Justice at the Wiirttemberg court; her family had been in Stuttgart itself for more than a century, and she traced her lineage on her mother’s side back to Johannes Brenz, a noted Wiirttemberg Protestant reformer of the sixteenth century.
黑格尔出身美丽富饶的符腾堡一个中等富裕家庭。2父亲格奥尔格·路德维希·黑格尔曾在图宾根大学学法律，他在黑格尔出生时任符腾堡宫廷税务局书记官。黑格尔父亲家族上溯几代，是16世纪从3奥地利移居符腾堡的；当奥地利新教徒在16世纪被要求皈依天主教时，黑格尔符腾堡家族中一名祖先约翰内斯·黑格尔这位锡匠就从信奉天主教的奥地利迁至信奉新教的符腾堡，但是他依然坚持对路德教的信仰（或者至少黑格尔家族自己是这样讲述的）。”黑格尔家族中有若干代人做过符腾堡牧师，牧师是符腾堡公国颇受尊重和极重要的职位。（举例来说，诗人弗里德里希·席勒就是由马堡一位名叫黑格尔的牧师施洗礼的。）黑格尔祖父（格奥尔格·路德维希·克里斯托夫）做过旧施泰格城的Oberamtmann（公爵司法行政长官，一种高级郡副司法长官），黑格尔曾祖父（也叫格奥尔格·路德维希·克里斯托夫）做过罗森费尔德城的Stadtvogt（也是一种公爵司法行政长官）。黑格尔的母亲，玛丽·玛格达莱娜·路易扎·黑格尔（她的女佣唤作弗罗姆)，她的父亲任符腾堡宫廷高院律师；她的家族在斯图加特生活长达一个多世纪，她母亲的家族可追溯到约翰内斯·布伦茨这位16世纪符腾堡著名新教徒改革家。
Hegel was one of six children born to his parents; only he and two of his siblings survived into adulthood: a sister, Christiane Luise, and a brother, Georg Ludwig. This is not surprising, since high rates of child mortality were a fact of life in those days; smallpox alone killed one out of every thirteen children in Wiirttemberg in the 1770s, and Hegel himself had to survive several serious life-threatening illnesses as a youth. Indeed, his health was for the rest of his life to be plagued off and on by various illnesses. When Hegel was eleven, his mother died (September 20, 1781) of a “bilious fever” that was raging in Stuttgart, which also came close to claiming Hegel and his father. That Hegel survived and his mother did not no doubt affected him more than we can ever discover; Hegel developed a kind of speech impediment, and the underlying reason may well have had to do with his mother’s death, his own survival, and some antagonism between himself and his father, although these are virtually impossible to ferret out. (Hegel almost never speaks of his father in his letters; there was apparently some tension between them; for example, when he was at university, he and his father apparently engaged in some rather impassioned disputes about the vir- tues of the French Revolution.) Hegel’s brother, Georg Ludwig, had a brief but apparently glorious career as a military officer, rising to the rank of captain; he was ennobled and thereby became Georg Ludwig von Hegel; he marched off with Napoleon on the Russian campaign in 1812, never to return. His sister, Christiane, was to outlive him only by a few months; a very cultured, independent woman, she never married, electing to stay home and care for her father.
黑格尔父母生有6个子女；唯有他及其妹妹克里斯蒂亚娜·路易丝和弟弟格奥尔格·路德维希活了下来。这也不足为奇，因为儿童的高死亡率是那时的客观事实；仅天花一项疾病就夺去18世纪初符腾堡每13名儿童中1名儿童的生命，黑格尔本人年轻时也生过数次严重危及生命的大病。实际上，他的健康状况使他终身饱受种种疾病的折磨。黑格尔11岁时，母亲(1781年9月20日)死于一种在斯图加特流行的“胆病引起的发烧”，这病也差点儿传染上了黑格尔及其父亲。这一次黑格尔算是逃过一劫，母亲无疑没有传染上他，但是对此我们未能发现什么证据；此后，黑格尔开始患上一种讲话口吃病，其潜在原因很可能和他母亲的死、他自己的幸存、他自己与父亲间的某种对抗有关，尽管这些原因现今实际上已无从查考。（黑格尔在信中几乎从未提到过父亲；他们父子关系看来很是紧张；举例来说，他上大学时，他和父亲就法国大革命的性质问题显然有过多次颇为激烈的争论。）黑格尔弟弟格奥尔格·路德维希，一度做过军官（被授予上尉军衔）且似乎以此为荣；他被封为贵族，从而成了格奥尔格·路德维希·冯·黑格尔；他随拿破仑奔赴前线参加1812年俄国战役，一去不归杳无音信。黑格尔妹妹克里斯蒂亚娜寿命只比黑格尔长几个月；身为一位极有教养的颇富主见的女子，她终身未嫁自愿在家照料父亲。
Education and “culture” were clearly stressed in the Hegel household. Hegel’s parents put him in what was called the German School at the age of three, and at five he was put in what was called the Latin School. His mother taught him Latin at home so that when he went to the Latin School, he already knew the first declension of Latin and the nouns that went with it. Indeed, Hegel’s life-long infatuation with learning and his unconditional respect for it almost certainly began with those early experiences of learning Latin from his mother and his attachment to her. That Hegel’s mother was capable of doing this already says something about the remarkable state of learning in the Hegel household, since it was, to put it mildly, uncommon for women in this period to receive the kind of education that would have enabled them to teach their four- and five-year-old sons Latin at home (a fact noted explicitly by Christiane Hegel in her recollections of their youth). Hegel’s father in fact paid for his son’s private lessons in geometry by a noted local mathematician, K. A. F. Duttenhofer, when Hegel was only ten years old; as Hegel grew older, his father continued to pay for private lessons in other subjects. (For example, Hegel most likely learned French in this way).-’
教育与“文化”显然颇受黑格尔家人的重视。黑格尔父母在黑格尔3岁时就把他送到被叫做德国小学学校念书，5岁时他被送到被叫作拉丁语小学学校念书。母亲在家教他拉丁语，所以，他就读拉丁语学校时，已晓得拉丁语第一格以及与第一格相配的名词。更确切地说，黑格尔毕生醉心学问，无条件地尊重学问，这些几乎肯定是肇始于他向母亲学习拉丁语和他对母亲的依恋之情这些早年的体验。黑格尔母亲能够做到在家教儿子学拉丁语，此事本身已说明了学问在黑格尔一家人中具有的引人注目的地位，因为，说得婉转些，女子在这个时期接受一种竟使自己能够在家教四五岁儿子拉丁语的教育（一个被克里斯蒂亚娜·黑格尔在对她那个时代青年女子的回忆中加以大书特书的事实），这样的事在当时实属凤毛麟角。‘其实，当黑格尔年仅10岁时，父亲就为他请了一位当地小有名气的数学教师K.A.F.杜腾赫费尔做几何学家教；随着黑格尔渐渐长大，父亲继续为他请其他门课程家教。（举例来说，黑格尔很喜欢以这种方式学习法文。）o
Although Hegel almost never spoke of his father in any letters, there is a striking difference with regard to his mother. In 1825, at the age of fifty-five, he sent off a short note to his sister, Christiane, that said only, “Today is the anniversary of our mother’s death, which I will hold forever in my memory.”'’ It seems clear whose memory dominated his adult life. He and sister were united by an identification with their mother; their brother, Georg Ludwig, seems to have taken after their father, which seems to have been part of the painful estrangement that Hegel had with his father. Both Hegel and his sister took after their mother in their bookishness, and their mother’s death left them without their “protector” in the family, elevating Georg Ludwig most likely into the position of favorite. Hegel dealt with this by rebelling, devel- oping a stutter, and pursuing a career of which his father did not exactly approve; Christiane dealt with it hy remaining at home to care for her father until his death and turning down a number of different suitors for marriage during that period.
黑格尔在信中几乎从未提到过父亲，但是在这方面母亲的情况却截然不同。1825年，55岁的黑格尔寄给他妹妹克里斯蒂亚娜一封短信，信中仅仅写道，“今天是母亲辞世周年，吾将永远铭记在心。”看来很显然，他对母亲的缅怀，支配着他的成人生活。他和妹妹在外貌性格等方面遗传了母亲；弟弟格奥尔格·路德维希似乎和父亲很相像，这看来成了黑格尔痛苦地与父亲疏远的部分原因。黑格尔和妹妹俩人在喜爱读书方面和母亲很相像，而母亲的过世致使黑格尔和妹妹在家中失去了“靠山”，格奥尔格·路德维希极有可能一跃而成了家中宠儿。在家失宠，造成了黑格尔反抗，形成了口吃习惯，追求5父亲恰恰不赞同的前程；在家失宠，造成了克里斯蒂亚娜一直在家照料父亲，直到父亲去世为止，期间她拒绝了若干各色等类的求婚者。
Hegel’s family life after the death of his mother was probably quite strained, and all the evidence points to a sharp sense of alienation on his own part toward his family. In keeping with his mother’s ideals for him, Hegel was from the standpoint of his teachers (if not of his father) a model student who read voraciously, was always the first in his class from the age of ten until he left for university at eighteen, and, like many young men of his day and age, kept a diary during his teenage years. In his diary, he recorded long excerpts from his many readings, a practice also not uncommon in an age where owning books was still a luxury. One indication of the sense of alienation he felt was that as a teenager, he tended to spend Wednesdays and Saturdays entirely at the ducal library, which was open to the public and which was also quite close to his home. Since his home was not without its cultural resources — the family subscribed to the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek^ an influential journal of ideas (in which, incidentally, some of the early debates about Kant’s philosophy appeared) - the decision to spend so much time away from home all the more sharply reflected his sense of not being “at home” in his home in Stuttgart. Hegel did, however, enjoy the company of his teachers, and, as the model student he was, would go for walks with them, during which the conversations would turn to academic subjects in which the young man showed such a keen interest. One of his teachers, a Mr. Loffler, gave him at the age of eight a present of Shakespeare’s works translated by Eschenburg, with the advice that although he would not understand them at that point, he would soon learn to understand them. (Hegel recorded years later in his teenage diary a laudatory remembrance of Loffler when he died.)
母亲去世后黑格尔的家庭生活可能变得十分紧张，所有证据使人感到他自己明显疏远了家庭。由于心中始终铭记母亲赋予的理想，从老师（即使不是从父亲）观点来看黑格尔是一位模范生，他如饥似渴地念书，在班级总是第一个到校，从10岁直到他18岁读大学前一直如此，并且，跟那时许多同龄青年一样，他十几岁时就养成了写日记的习惯。在日记里，他从所读的很多读物中作长篇摘录，此做法在那时也是司空见惯的，因为在那个时代拥有书仍然是一种奢侈。他所感到的疏远感的一个迹象是，作为十几岁的孩子，他常常在星期三和星期六整天泡在古符腾堡公国图书馆，该图书馆对公众开放且离他家也非常之近。因为他家不缺人文科学方面的书籍——他家曾向德国公共图书馆捐献一本颇有影响的思想史方面的杂志（顺便说一句，在这本杂志里，刊登关于康德哲学的一些早期争论文章）——所以黑格尔决定把大块时间花在图书馆里，这更加明显反映出他在斯图加特家中毫无“在家”的感觉。不过，黑格尔确实乐于与老师交朋友，作为一名模范生他可和老师们一起出去散步，期间的交谈常常涉及使这位青年人对其表现出浓厚兴趣的学术问题。他的老师中有一位叫勒夫勒的先生，在他8岁时赠送他由埃申堡翻译的莎士比亚著作作为礼物，语重心长地说虽然他在那时也许尚读不懂莎翁作品，但是不久应该会理解它们。（多年后勒夫勒先生过世时，黑格尔在少年时代日记中以颂扬的笔调缅怀这位先生。）
Hegel’s family was certainly well connected but was not included among what in Wiirttemberg were known as the Ehrbarkeit^ the “nonnoble notables,” who staffed the Wiirttemberg assembly of estates (its parliament) and who had a near-monopoly on the better, more prestigious positions in Wiirttemberg. The Ehrbarkeit had achieved their status largely because of the sheer oddness and complexity of Wiirttemberg’s history; the Wiirttemberg nobility took no part in the governance of the duchy, instead understanding their noble status as having to do entirely with a direct, “immediate” relation to the Holy Roman Emperor, and thereby de facto leaving everything to the Ehrbarkeit, which more or less consisted of some important clergy, certain urban elites, and important rural magistrates. The Ehrbarkeit continually contested with the duke for power. To add to the complexity of Wurttemberg’s (and Stuttgart’s) social milieu, the duke’s own privy council {Geheime Rat) had over the years gradually ceased to be simply an extension of the duke’s authority and had come instead to regard itself as a semiindependent body, which itself then contested with not only the duke but also with the estates (and thereby with various parts of the Ehrbarkeit) for power and influence.’ The privy council itself had come to be composed of what had more or less gradually evolved into a professional class of bureaucrats, almost always trained in law at the university in Tubingen (located in Wiirttemberg just a few miles south of Stuttgart).
Hegel’s family was certainly well connected but was not included among what in Wiirttemberg were known as the Ehrbarkeit^ the “nonnoble notables,” who staffed the Wiirttemberg assembly of estates (its parliament) and who had a near-monopoly on the better, more prestigious positions in Wiirttemberg. The Ehrbarkeit had achieved their status largely because of the sheer oddness and complexity of Wiirttemberg’s history; the Wiirttemberg nobility took no part in the governance of the duchy, instead understanding their noble status as having to do entirely with a direct, “immediate” relation to the Holy Roman Emperor, and thereby de facto leaving everything to the Ehrbarkeit, which more or less consisted of some important clergy, certain urban elites, and important rural magistrates. The Ehrbarkeit continually contested with the duke for power. To add to the complexity of Wurttemberg’s (and Stuttgart’s) social milieu, the duke’s own privy council {Geheime Rat) had over the years gradually ceased to be simply an extension of the duke’s authority and had come instead to regard itself as a semiindependent body, which itself then contested with not only the duke but also with the estates (and thereby with various parts of the Ehrbarkeit) for power and influence.’ The privy council itself had come to be composed of what had more or less gradually evolved into a professional class of bureaucrats, almost always trained in law at the university in Tubingen (located in Wiirttemberg just a few miles south of Stuttgart).
黑格尔家族肯定与Ehrbarkeit（非贵族知名人士）有着千丝万缕的联系，但是并不被包括在符腾堡以“非贵族知名人士”著称的人们之列，非贵族知名人士担任符腾堡公国议会（国会）议员，几乎垄断了符腾堡的全部有油水的官位。非贵族知名人士所以获得显赫的地位主要是由于符腾堡历史的奇特性和复杂性造成的；符腾堡贵族阶层不6参加公国的治理，反而把他们的贵族地位理解为完全“直接”和神圣罗马帝国有关，因此实际上理解成和非贵族知名人士有关，他们几乎全是由一些重要的牧师、某些城市上层人士、重要的地方法官组成。非贵族知名人士不断和公爵争权夺利。再加上符腾堡（和斯图加特）社会环境的复杂，公爵特有的枢密院(Geheime Rat)多年来已逐渐不复只是公爵的权力的延伸，反倒逐渐把它自己当做半个独立王国看待，于是它本身不但和公爵而且和议会（因此和非贵族知名人士中的不同成员）争夺权力比拼势力影响。”枢密院本身早就开始由或多或少逐渐演变成官僚职业化阶层所组成，几乎一直在培养图宾根大学的法律人才（图宾根位于离斯图加特向南仅有数里之遥的符腾堡）。
In addition to Wurttemberg’s idiosyncratic political arrangements, the form of social life that prevailed within the Wiirttemberg of Hegel’s youth can be described (following Mack Walker) as that of the German “hometowns,” a form of life that took root in other German Lander within the Holy Roman Empire, but not so much in places like Prussia.* The structure of the hometowns could in a broad sense be called “communitarian.” There was clearly a sense of who belonged (and equally as clearly and forcefully, who did not) in the hometowns, and each hometown had a clear social sense of what groups had what rights and privileges without there being any need for a written statement of them. The guild system in Wiirttemberg played a central role in the structure of its hometowns in the sense that the guild functioned as a kind of “second family” (a description that Hegel was later to use in his mature political philosophy in his attempt to revivify the old corporate structures within the modern Prussian state): It served to protect its members’ particular privileges and rights, to buffer individuals against life’s contingencies; it convened elaborate ceremonies at various stages of a member’s life, it provided the circle in which one socialized, it offered assistance when bad luck befell one or one’s family, it oversaw moral and professional standards — in short, it regulated a person’s life from apprenticeship to death.'’ In the year that Hegel was born, the hometown structure of Wiirttemberg seemed finally to have triumphed against the contrivances of its absolutizing Catholic duke; however, only a few years later, the structure of hometown life all over Germany was to be threatened by the modernizing influences emanating from the French Revolution.
除了符腾堡独特的政治结构之外，盛行于黑格尔青年时期的符腾堡的社会生活方式，可描述（照马克·瓦尔克说）为德国“家乡的”生活方式，一种扎根于神圣罗马帝国中其他说德语区域但根本并不扎根于像普鲁士这样的地方的生活方式。这种家乡结构广义上可称作“共产主义社会的”。人们显然有一种归属感（同样十分清楚和给人以有力感觉的是人们没有产生去国还乡之感），而且每个家乡都有一种清楚明白的社会观念：无论什么样的社会群体都享有各种权利和特权，而无需对它们作出书面陈述。符腾堡行会制度在以下的意义上在他的家乡结构中起着核心作用：行会起着“第二家庭”作用（一种被黑格尔后来在试图复活现代普鲁士国家古老公司结构时用于他成熟的政治哲学中的描述）：行会被用来保护它的成员具体的特权和权利，被用来减轻个人在生活上出现的不测而造成的损失；行会被用来为成员生活的不同阶段举行隆重仪式，行会为人们的社交提供同仁圈，行会在个人或个人的家庭交噩运时提供帮助，行会对道德的和职业的规范起着监督作用。——简而言之，行会制约着个人自学徒期起的全部生活。在黑格尔出生那年，符腾堡家乡结构似乎终于战胜了它那信奉天主教的公爵的专制欺诈；然而，仅仅数年后，全德国家乡生活结构势必受到来自法国大革命的现代化影响的威胁。
We cannot know with certainty what Hegel’s mother and father actually thought about the political events in Wiirttemberg and the developments in Wiirttemberg culture at the time of Hegel’s birth, but the evidence strongly suggests that they were a family who were at once quite comfortable with the old Wiirttemberg traditions and at the same time clearly oriented toward the ideas of the German Enlightenment and its modernizing tendencies. They most likely saw no contradiction between the Enlightenment’s goals and the traditions and patterns of existing Wiirttemberg life. Although not members themselves of the Ehrbarkeit, Hegel’s family clearly moved in the social circles close to them; and they also moved in the circles of the people who staffed the privy council. Hegel’s parents were thus the kind of people who were tied into the traditional order of Wiirttemberg and, no doubt, as Protestants also disdainful of the impertinence of their Catholic ruler and proud of Wiirttemberg’s constitutional tradition, but who were attempting, however unconsciously, to go beyond the confining borders of their limited Wiirttemberg world. As already mentioned, they subscribed to the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek, one of the major publications of the German Enlightenment, and Hegel’s mother was uncharacteristically well educated for a woman of her day. Shortly after Hegel was born, the family moved to a very fashionable address in Stuttgart, which indicates that they both were and thought of themselves as a family on the way up. If anything, it seems to be the case that Hegel grew up in a family that communicated to him a strong sense of being “somebody” while at the same time also being an outsider to the official circle of the Ehrbarkeit; moreover, on his mother’s side, Hegel was descended from a long line of prominent Protestant reformers. The up-and-coming Hegel family staked their claim to social status on the basis of a certain attitude toward learning and achievement rather than on family connections.
我们肯定无法知道，黑格尔的父母实际上如何看待黑格尔出生时符腾堡政治事件和符腾堡文化发展，但是有关证据充分表明，黑格尔家人既极其安于秉持古符腾堡传统，同时也明显重视德国启蒙运动中涌现出来的思想和德国启蒙运动的现代化趋向。他们很可能没有看出启蒙运动的目标与现存符腾堡生活的传统和模式之间的矛盾。黑格尔家人虽然不属非贵族知名人士成员，但是明显已涉足与他们关系密切的社会圈子；他们还与枢密院中那班人打上了交道。黑格尔父母这样的人因此是与符腾堡传统秩序相合拍的，毋庸置疑，身为新教徒的黑格尔父母也极其鄙视自己所不信奉的天主教的荒谬绝伦的清规戒律，并且为符腾堡的宪法传统感到无比自豪，可是他们却试图走出画地为牢式的符腾堡的小天地，不管他们是不是意识到了这一点。像学者们已经提到的，他们向德国国家公共图书馆捐赠一本内载德国启蒙运动内容的重要杂志，而且黑格尔母亲是那时少有的受到良好教育的女性。黑格尔出生不久，全家就移居斯图加特一个十分时尚的住处，这表明他家是且自以为是追赶潮流的。甚至正相反，这似乎能够说明黑格尔所生长的这个家庭，使他形成强烈的“自命不凡”的观念，而同时还使他形成超脱于非贵族知名人士的官场的观念；尚不止于此，就他母亲这方而言，黑格尔系杰出新教改革家的后裔。黑格尔家前程似锦，自称其社会地位奠基于对待学问和功名所抱有的某种态度，而非奠基于对待裙带关系所抱有的某种态度。
This strong sense of his own proper standing in the world, along with his touchiness about possible affronts to it, characterized Hegel for his whole life. Firmly etched on the young Hegel’s view of the world was that his family, which was just as middle-class and probably more educated than most of the members of the Ehrbarkeit, were nonetheless effectively excluded from the very best positions in the Wiirttemberg government simply and solely because they were not part of the “nonnoble notables.” Hegel’s sense of social inclusion and exclusion was thus not that of the middle-class Burger’s exclusion from the world of the aristocracy; it was the sense ingrained at an early age of the simple injustice of exclusion from status by virtue of something completely contingent, of being the same and yet excluded. It also gave him a certain anger that often came to full expression in his more polemical writings.
他自己的这种强烈而适当的安身立命之感，连同他对他可能受到蔑视的敏感，构成了黑格尔全部生活的特点。铭刻在青年黑格尔世界观中的是，他的家人，他的恰好是作为中产阶级且可能比绝大多数非贵族知名人士成员更有教养的家人，事实上依旧与符腾堡政府中最好的官职无缘，简单而唯一的原因在于他们家人不属于“非贵族知名人8士”。黑格尔关于社会包容和排斥的观念因此不是把中产阶级公民拒之于贵族世界门外；它是由于某种完全偶然的东西而深深扎根于青年黑格尔头脑中的、无法受人尊崇的纯非正义的观念以及被认同然而又被排斥的观念。它还使他产生一种莫名的愤怒，一种常常在他的论战性著作中全面爆发的愤怒。
Most telling was his father’s decision to send Hegel in 1784 to theStuttgarter Gymnasium Illustre. The school was in some respects acomplete mess, as most schools in Wurttemberg were at the time;however, it was a place in which Enlightenment thought had takensome foothold alongside the more traditional Protestant humanisticlearning of the Renaissance (although the school could hardly be said tohave been a bastion of Enlightenment thought). Since it seems thatquite early in his life he or his parents (very likely his mother) decidedthat he was to study theology, the more natural choice would have beento send Hegel to one of the “lower seminaries,” the “cloister schools,”which were the traditional path in Wurttemberg for students destinedfor theological study at the university at Tubingen and a subsequentcareer in the omnipresent Protestant church of Wurttemberg. (Hegel’sfriend at Tubingen, the poet Holderlin, for example, went to such a“cloister school.”) The importance of theological studies is shown bythe fact that even in Hegel’s Gymnasium more than fifty percent of thegraduates went on to pursue some kind of career that involved theolog¬ical studies.'® Although Tubingen University reserved the great majorityof its places in theological studies for the students graduating from thelower seminaries, it also reserved a few places reserved for students ofthe Gymnasium Illustre, and this seems to have been one of the likelyreasons for sending Hegel there. At the Gymnasium Illustre, Hegel couldget an Enlightenment education and still be prepared and qualified fortheological training at Tubingen.
绝大多数黑格尔学者都说，是黑格尔父亲1784年决定送黑格尔上斯图加特高级中学的。从某些方面说，这所学校秩序极其混乱，跟符腾堡那时绝大部分学校没有两样；不过，它却是德国启蒙运动思想连同文艺复兴时期更为传统的新教人文主义学术的立足之地（尽管这所学校几乎不能说成是启蒙运动思想的堡垒）。因为似乎在他生活中十分清楚的是，他本人或父母（很可能母亲）决定他将来研习神学，所以顺理成章的选择应该送黑格尔去“低等神学院”或“修道院学校”就读，这类学院是符腾堡为图宾根大学神学研究培养预科生的传统途径，图宾根大学神学毕业生随后被分配到符腾堡各新教教会工作。（举例来说，黑格尔图宾根学友诗人荷尔德林曾经读的就是这种“修道院学校”。)以下的事实证明了研习神学的重要性：甚至在黑格尔就读的高级中学也有50%以上的毕业生打算将来继续从事某种涉及神学研究的工作。”图宾根大学虽然为毕业自低等神学院学生留出充裕的神学研究名额，但也为斯图加特高级中学学生留有为数不多的名额，而这看似成了送黑格尔上这所学校的可能的理由。在斯图加特高级中学，黑格尔能够受到启蒙运动教育，依然有望成为入图宾根大学做神学深造的合格预备生。
Of course, Hegel might have been sent instead to the Karlsschule in Stuttgart - a military academy founded by Duke Karl Eugen to train officials and military officers in the new sciences — which was regarded not only as the better institution but also as the more “Enlightenment oriented” of the two schools. Since Hegel’s father seems to have cared deeply for his son’s education, there must have been a special reason to send him to the Gymnasium Illustre rather than to the Karlsschule. The decision could not have been based on any special dislike that Hegel’s father had for the Karlsschule, since he later sent Hegel’s younger brother, Georg Ludwig, there. Indeed, it seems likely that it was Hegel’s mother’s desire that he become a theologian and not his father’s; after all, she taught him Latin at an early age, clearly preparing him for a career in the church or as a learned man. Hegel’s father, on the other hand, was a civil servant, a prudent, rational man trained in law, who displayed (at least in the records) no particular ecclesiastical piety and did not seem in any way inclined to send Hegel’s brother to seminary training. His mother’s desire that the young Hegel become a theologian and his father’s desire that he nonetheless attend some “modern” (that is. Enlightenment, vocationally directed) institution must therefore have been the motivating factors in the decision. According to Hegel’s own memories, it was at least one year after his mother’s death that his father decided that he was to study theology at the Protestant Seminary in Tubingen.” The decision in favor of the Gymnasium Illustre was very likely a compromise between Hegel’s father and his dead mother’s wishes, a wish to keep a foot in both camps.
当然，黑格尔反倒有可能被送入斯图加特卡尔学院——一所由卡尔·欧根公爵创办的以便培养地方官员和军官掌握新科学的军事院校。——它不但被看作是这两所学院中更为出色的一所学府，而且也被看作是更具“启蒙运动倾向”的学府。因为黑格尔的父亲似乎深为他的儿子的教育操心，所以谅必有着一种特殊的理由送他上斯图加特9高级中学而非上卡尔学院。这个决定不可能基于黑格尔的父亲对卡尔学院特别讨厌，因为他后来也把黑格尔弟弟格奥尔格·路德维希送到该学院就读。实际上，很可能黑格尔日后成为一名神学家，是母亲的愿望而非父亲的愿望；毕竟母亲在黑格尔儿时就教他拉丁语，显然准备让他将来从事宗教工作或成为一名学者。另一方面，黑格尔父亲是一名文职官员，是一个精明而理智的学法律出身的人，看不出（至少据有关文献记载）对教会有什么特别的虔诚，似乎绝不倾向于把黑格尔弟弟送到神学院深造。母亲期望青年黑格尔将来成为神学家，父亲期望青年黑格尔依然就读某“现代”（即秉持启蒙运动传统的职业上定向的）学府，因而父母的期望想必成了作出这个决定的推动因素。据黑格尔自己回忆，至少是在母亲去世一年后，父亲才决定他应该去图宾根新教神学院研习神学。”赞同上斯图加特高级中学这项决定，很可能是黑格尔父亲的与已故母亲的愿望的折衷产物，因为这项决定兼顾了父母的意愿。
Whatever the grounds for sending Hegel to the Gymnasium Illustre, however, the decision turned out to have fortunate consequences for him. The bookishly inclined young Hegel, attached to his mother and missing her after her death, was thus not packed off to a “cloister school” but instead continued living with his father and siblings in a family environment that clearly indulged his bookish interests; and he was able to spend four years at a school in which he came into contact with teachers who were to recognize and encourage his love of learning and in which he was given a humanistically oriented education that steeped him in the classics, in ancient and modern languages, and in modern science and mathematics.’^
然而，不管送黑格尔上斯图加特高级中学是出于哪种理由，这项决定都表明给他带来了幸运的结果。秉性喜欢读书的青年黑格尔，依恋母亲且在母亲去世后失去依恋的黑格尔，因此没有打起行装上“修道院学校”，反而继续与父亲和兄弟姊妹生活在一起，继续生活在一种显然使他怀有喜爱读书兴趣的家庭环境中；他能够在斯图加特高级中学念了4年，在该校他所接触到的老师都认可和鼓励他对学问的喜爱，在该校他受到了重视人文思想的教育，这使他潜心研究古典文学、古代与现代德语，以及现代科学与数学。”
The main importance of Hegel’s stay at the Stuttgart Gymnasium wasthat its environs and its mixture of Enlightenment and Renaissancehumanistic approaches introduced the young Hegel to the world ofmodern, up-to-the-minute ideas and promoted a sense of distance fromthe traditional world of the Wurttemberg “non-noble notables.” Hissister, Christiane, remembered her brother especially loving the studyof physics at the Gymnasium, and we know that he was also fascinatedwith mathematics during this period.'^ He himself remembered learningby the age of twelve the Wolffian doctrines of “clear ideas” in school,and by the age of fourteen having learned all the classical rules of thesyllogism taught to him in school.
黑格尔留在斯图加特高级中学的重要性在于，它所处的环境和所兼有的启蒙运动与文艺复兴人文主义方法，把青年黑格尔引向现代最新的思想世界，促使他远离符腾堡“非贵族知名人士”的传统世界的观念。妹妹克里斯蒂亚娜不会忘记哥哥在斯图加特高级中学时特别喜爱物理学，大家知道在这一期间黑格尔还深深迷上了数学。”黑格尔10本人记得12岁时在学校学习沃尔夫的“清晰的思想”学说，14岁时就掌握了老师教的三段论的全部古典规则。
Quite commonly, in his diary, he would also make long excerpts from various books. In his diary he did not, however, tend to record his feelings, nor did he record, with one exception, any adolescent musings on girls, something one might expect from a teenage boy. Hegel’s diary entries clearly show him to be a voracious reader of all kinds of material even if, as one can expect from a diary kept by a fourteen- to sixteenyear old boy, they do not contain much that is of overwhelming philosophical interest. The entries nonetheless display a keen and observant adolescent trying out different ideas, doing his best to appear earnest even to himself, and recording various things he was reading and took to be noteworthy.
极其平常的是在日记里他总是对各种书籍做大量的摘录。不过在日记中他把自己的感情深藏于心底，也没有写下（只有一次除外）青春期男孩对女孩的默默思念，以及人们可能期待的情窦初开的少男少女的所思所想之类的东西。黑格尔的日记清楚地表明他见书就读如饥似渴，尽管像人们可以从一个14到16岁少年日记中想见的，他的日记中不会包含许多带有极其浓厚的哲学兴趣的东西。黑格尔日记中仍然流露出一个充满渴望的善于观察的少年在尝试着不同的思考，流露出他极力的襟怀坦白，记录下他所阅读的且被看作有价值的不同的东西。
Hegel’s diary entries might thus seem to make him out to be some kind of reclusive bookworm, a kind of premature old fogy - his nickname, after all, among his friends while he was a student at Tubingen University was “the old man” — unless one keeps in mind that diary entries, like all forms of autobiography, tend to be highly selective. They present not so much the unvarnished truth about someone as they do the diarist’s own attempt to appear to himself (or to his “best friend,” as the addressee of diary entries of the time were often called) in a certain light. Hegel’s diaries thus give us a slightly one-sided picture of Hegel’s personality as a youth, but nonetheless one that he was intent on creating for himself in his own imagination. His sister, for example, remembered him as having many friends (although she also remembered him as lacking any “bodily agility” and, while loving gymnastics, being very “clumsy” at dancing, one of Hegel’s enduring deficiencies that is also attested to by other young women who danced with him at the time).'** Hegel, on the other hand, in his diary entries keeps trying to portray himself as living up to his mother’s dreams for him as a future man of learning and Wiirttemberg theologian. But even Hegel, the youth who tried so hard to appear to himself as the ever-serious and oh-so-earnest young man of learning, notes in his diary on the first of January, 1787, that he went to a concert apparently given every year, that he could not hear the music for all the toasts being given, but that since he got to see some old friends, time passed quickly and pleasantly, and “looking at pretty girls added no little amount to our entertain- ment.”'^ Hegel’s gregarious nature and sociability were features of his personality for his entire life, and there is no reason to doubt that they were present in him as a youth. Hegel’s youthful diary nonetheless reveals his intellectual bent; even in his adolescence, he does not talk much about himself or his feelings, a trait he was to keep his entire life.
黑格尔日记内容因此可能看似证明他是某种隐居遁世的书虫，是一种早熟的老顽固——毕竟他在图宾根大学学习时他的学友给他起的绰号是“老人”——除人们承认日记的内容像各种自传一样容易具有高度选择性外。日记内容不是关于某人的实话，而从某种角度说是日记作者自己试图写给自己看的（或是写给他“挚友”看的，像那时的日记求爱常被所作的一样）。黑格尔日记因此为我们提供了一幅稍有偏颇的青年黑格尔的人格画卷，但是为我们提供了一幅以他自己的想象来专心致志地为他自己创作的画卷。举例来说，妹妹不会忘记他结交了许多朋友（她也清楚地记得他“行动迟缓”并且喜爱体操运动而跳起舞来“笨手笨脚”，黑格尔的这个病疾也得到那时与他跳舞的其他女青年们的证明)。“另一方面黑格尔在日记里总是力图把自己描述成是在实现母亲要他未来做一名学者兼符腾堡神学家的梦想。但是黑格尔，这位试图极力表现出自己始终是严肃的和极具渴望的年轻学子，甚至在1787年1月1日日记里写到，显然他每年都定期去听音乐会，他有边欣赏音乐边吃面包的癖好，但是由于会会一些老朋友，时间过得很快，自己也很愉快，“看小妞使人大饱眼福”。”黑格尔的爱交友的禀性和社交是他终身的人格特点，而且完全有理由说它们已经展现在青年黑格尔身上。黑格尔青年时期日记仍然揭示他对知识的心驰神往；甚至在他的成年时期，他也很少谈论自己或他的感情问题，这成了他一生的秉性。
He also records on that same day in 1787 that he could not tear himself away from reading Sophies Reise von Memel nach Sachsen {Sophie’s Journey from Memel to Saxony), a sentimental, picaresque novel famous both for its lack of any real literary merit and for its extreme popularity in its day. (When Hegel’s first biographer, Karl Rosenkranz, publicized this fact in the 1840s, it prompted Arthur Schopenhauer, who harbored a lifelong passionate dislike for Hegel, to write to a friend, “My favorite book is Homer; Hegel’s is Sophies Reise.’f^ What interested Hegel in the novel were no doubt what were for him the vivid descriptions of the landscape, both natural and human, in Sophie’s travels, and the descriptions and accounts of the various characters she met along the way; to the young sixteen-year-old Hegel, who tried to think of himself as quite the serious fellow, who came from an ambitious, rising family and whose own ambitions were growing, but who had spent all of his life in relatively provincial Stuttgart, these descriptions of far-away parts of the empire must have seemed particularly enticing and romantic, the kind of thing, no doubt, it would have seemed that a serious young fellow like himself should explore. But this was hardly appropriate reading for a pure “man of learning,” much less for a premature old fogy. Hegel had plenty of adolescent enthusiasm for matters that did not fit his own picture of what he liked to think he was about.
他在1787年1月1日这天日记中同时写到自己废寝忘食地阅读Sophies Reise von Memel nach Sachsen (《索菲游记，从梅梅尔到萨克森》）这篇言情小说，小说取材于流浪汉和无赖的冒险，它因缺乏真正的文学价值和在当时极其流行而闻名。(19世纪40年代首位写黑格尔传记的卡尔·罗森克兰茨披露这件事时，这个细节促使阿图尔·叔本华，这位终身和黑格尔作对之辈，在致友人信中云：“我特别喜爱《荷马史诗》；黑格尔则尤为钟情《索菲游记》。”）“致使黑格尔对这部小说感兴趣的那些东西，肯定是在他看来小说里，对索菲旅行中遇到的关于风景的生动描写，对自然和人的栩栩如生的描写，对有关她沿途遇到的各色等类人物的描写和叙述；在16岁青年黑格尔看来，在试图自视为老成持重者的黑格尔看来，在出自书香门第志存高远但青年时期却闷在偏僻的斯图加特的黑格尔看来，这些远离帝国的描述一定是别样诱人和富有浪漫色彩的，我确信《索菲游记》中描述的这类东西无疑是像黑格尔一样老成持重的青年人应该细细阅读的。但是这类东西几乎不适合一个纯“学者”阅读，更不必说几乎不适合一个早熟的老顽固阅读。黑格尔对某些问题大有成年人的热情，而这与他自己心中期望的形象不合。
More interesting than whatever Hegel’s boyish lapses in literary taste might have been are the diary excerpts Hegel made from various books that he read, for they reveal not only the books he was reading but also the kinds of things he was thinking about at the time (or at least that he liked to appear to himself to be thinking about). He excerpted extensively from a book on world history, for example, and he shows himself to be reading modern authors such as Klopstock. He also excerpted passages from various figures of the German Enlightenment. In many of those excerpts, he copied out various passages from those authors on what “Enlightenment” consists in, and he himself recorded his own reflections on the matter, namely, that he took Enlightenment to come from the study of the sciences and the arts and to have various levels of learning within itself (a received view of the time).'^ This self-conscious fascination with the Enlightenment is consistent with entries that display no deep skepticism about religion (a trait not merely to be ascribed to a Protestant Wiirttemberg teenager recording thoughts in a diary, but a feature of the mainstream of the German Enlightenment that distinguished it, for example, from the French version). He displayed a knowledge of Rousseauian themes (although it is very unclear whether he actually read Rousseau at this stage in his life or whether he only read Neuer Emil, the work of the German Rousseauian J. G. Feder).'* His entries also show that he read and liked Christian Garve, one of the leading “popular philosophers” - the German equivalent of the Scottish Enlightenment “educators” - and even the Scottish philosopher Adam Ferguson (whom Garve translated). He seems to have been particularly attracted by Garve’s distinction between personal knowledge and the knowledge one gets from books, which itself would have fit well into Hegel’s interest in Rousseauian ideas and with the kind of pietistically influenced, emotionalist Protestantism prevalent in Stuttgart in those days. His entries also show him to be in the process of acquiring a sense of the alleged superiority of Greek culture to modern life, an idea that Johann Joachim Winckelmann had established in German culture and which Garve had helped to refine for a larger public.
较之不管黑格尔在文学欣赏方面可能是多么成人化，更有趣的是日记中黑格尔对所阅读的不同书籍做的那些摘录，因为它们不但透露了他正在阅读的书籍，而且透露了他那时在思考的各种东西（或至少透露了他自己看来想要思考的内容）。举例来说，他对一本世界史著作广做摘录，他表明自己在解读现代作者例如克洛普托克。他也对德国启蒙运动中各种不同的人物做了摘录。在所摘的很多段落中，他把属于“启蒙运动”作者的各种段落重新抄写出来，写下自己对以下的12 问题的思考，即把启蒙运动看作源自对科学与艺术的研究，看作本质上具有不同的学术层面（一种那时可以接受的看法）。”这种对启蒙运动自觉迷恋与日记内容没有显露出对宗教的深度怀疑是一致的（这不仅仅是可被归于在日记中记录思想的符腾堡信奉新教的十多岁孩子的特点，而且是可被归于使它区别于例如法国人的说法的德国启蒙运动的主流特征）。他显示出对卢梭的论题有所了解（尽管我们不大清楚他在那个阶段是不是实际上读过卢梭的作品，或者他是不是只读过《新爱弥尔》这本德国卢梭主义者J.G.费德尔的著作）。“他的日记内容还表明，他解读过且喜欢克里斯蒂安·加尔弗这位一流“通俗哲学家”——堪与苏格兰启蒙运动“教育学家”比肩的德国人——的作品，他甚至还解读过苏格兰哲学家亚当·弗格森的作品（其著系加弗尔翻译）。他看来特别为加弗尔区分个人的直接知识和从书本上获得的间接知识所吸引，这种区分本身是与黑格尔对卢梭主义观念感兴趣极其一致的，是与那时盛行于斯图加特的一种新教教义极为吻合的，该教义是属于虔诚派的，是颇具影响的和唯情论的。他的日记内容也表明他正在形成中的一种观念是所谓希腊文化优于现代生活，这种观念为约翰·约阿希姆·温克尔曼在德国文化中所确立，并在加弗尔推波助澜下为大众所完善。
The young Hegel was also very aware of the Wiirttemberg hero J. J. Moser; he made a note in Latin in his diary on the date of Moser’s death about the status of the great man.'*^ (Moser only lived a few houses down from the Hegels in Stuttgart.) More importantly, Hegel’s own Wiirttemberg background, and the articulations of it by people like Moser, endowed him in his youth with a keen appreciation for the rhetoric of constitutionalism and rights and, more importantly, implicitly gave him a conception of the basis of such rights as lying somehow in social practice; as a young and aware Wiirttembergian, he would have naturally had the idea that these rights can be derived not from abstract precepts but only from the way the traditions and practices of a form of life are interpreted. The young Hegel cut his intellectual teeth hearing stories about how Wiirttemberg had defended itself against tyranny, not by appealing to the rights of man but appealing to what it had established as valid within its own history, to its own socially bounded sense of the way things are to be done, which was itself deeply rooted in the hearts and characters of Wiirttembergers themselves by virtue of their religious, social, and political institutions.“
青年黑格尔还确实注意到了符腾堡英雄J.J.莫泽；他用拉丁语在日记中记下了这名地位显赫的伟人莫泽去世的日期。”（莫泽居室与斯图加特黑格尔家只相隔几栋房屋。）更重要的是，黑格尔特有的符腾堡背景，以及像莫泽一样的人对符腾堡背景的系统阐述，这些使得青年黑格尔热衷欣赏对立宪主义和权利的讨论，并且，更重要的是，潜在地使他设想这些权利的基础以某种方式源于社会实践；身为一个年轻而有觉悟的符腾堡人，他自然该想到这些权利不可能得之于抽象的清规戒律，而仅仅得之于生活形式的传统和实践借以被阐释的方式。青年黑格尔初涉学界时所采用的手段是，倾听关于符腾堡怎样自我保护而反对暴政的描述，不是诉诸人权而是诉诸符腾堡早就确立的在它自己的历史领域站得住脚的东西，诉诸符腾堡特有的受社会限制的处理事物方式的观念，这里的处理事物方式本身深深扎根于符腾1堡人自身的心目和秉性中，原因在于符腾堡人的宗教机构、社会机构和政治机构。”
Interestingly enough, Hegel also seems to have been at least vaguely aware of Kant’s philosophy in his Stuttgart days, although given Kant’s difficulty and Hegel’s age at the time, he can be excused for not saying much about it and can be completely exempted from questions about whether he understood it. He excerpted essays from authors who wrote about Kant; for example, one of his favorite authors, Garve, wrote the first review of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason^ only to have the editor of the journal in which it appeared, J. G. Feder (the German Rousseauian whom Hegel also excerpted), chop it up and insert certain accusations into it - namely, that Kant’s idealism was only a replay of Berkeley’s idealism - which were not in the original. (The intact original was printed in 1783 in the Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek, so Hegel may have seen it.)^'
十分有趣的是，黑格尔在斯图加特时期也似乎至少朦胧地注意到了康德哲学，而考虑到康德哲学的难度和黑格尔还很年轻，他对康德哲学说不出所以然也是情有可原的，人们也完全不必质问他是不是真懂康德哲学。他摘抄了一些论述康德哲学的作者的论文；举例来说，作为他特喜爱的作者之一，加尔弗撰写了康德《纯粹理性批判》第一篇书评，结果却被刊登这篇书评的杂志主编J.G.费德尔（黑格尔摘录过其著作的德国卢梭主义者）大加删改和插入某些指责——即康德唯心主义只不过是贝克莱唯心主义的故伎重演，——这些指责是原文所没有的。（加尔弗未经删改的原文刊发于1783年，藏德国公众图书馆，所以黑格尔有可能读过这篇书评。）'
Perhaps most significant, though, was his friendship with Jacob Friedrich von Abel, who was on the faculty of the Karlsschule and who was one of the older teachers who played an important role in Hegel’s life. Hegel’s sister said in an account of Hegel’s life that von Abel “fostered” Hegel (or made Hegel his “protege,” depending on how one translates her letter).Abel, who had earlier taught and befriended Schiller, later became a professor of philosophy at Tubingen in 1790 (although this was after Hegel had formally finished his prescribed course of “philosophical” studies there and had already begun his theological training). Abel had joined the debate on Kant’s philosophy and had in fact published in 1787 (while Hegel was still in the Gymnasium) a book on Kant - Versuch iiber die Natur der speculativen Vernunft zur Prufung des Kantischen Systems (roughly. An Assay into the Nature of Speculative Reason for a Test of the Kantian System) — which concerned itself with Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason and Prolegomena to Any Future MetaphysicsP In that work, Abel defended the findings of traditional rationalist metaphysics against Kant’s critique, asserting against Kant the idea that the world simply must have a creator and that this divine creator establishes the relation of our experience to the world. Whereas Kant had argued that the ways in which we must experience the world and conceive of it could not be extended to apply to things-in- themselves beyond our experience, Abel rebutted that claim with the simple assertion that Kant’s major points, as he put it, were “unconvincing” and did not follow from Kant’s own premises.
不过大概最有意义的是他与雅各布·弗里德里希·冯·阿贝尔的私交，阿贝尔供职于斯图加特卡尔学院，是对黑格尔生活产生重要影响的资深教师之一。黑格尔妹妹在描述黑格尔生活时写道，冯·阿贝尔“培养了”黑格尔（或者使黑格尔成为他的“protégé”（宠儿），该词的确切意思取决于人们如何翻译她的信）。”阿贝尔早年教过席勒，对席勒亦师亦友，后于1790年晋升为图宾根哲学教授（但是在此之前，黑格尔已在图宾根正式完成“哲学”学业，已经着手在神学方面的深造）。阿贝尔加入了关于康德哲学的辩论，实际上已于1787年（此时黑格尔仍就读于斯图加特高级中学）出了一本有关康德的书——Versuch über Nature der Speculativen Vernunfi zurPrufung des Kantischen Systems （这里粗略地译作《评成为检验康德体系的思辨理性之本质》）。——这本书涉及康德的《纯粹理性批判》和《未来形而上学导论》。”在这本著作里，阿贝尔所捍卫的是遭到康德批判的传统理性主义形而上学的种种发现，他极力反对康德以下的思想：世界完全必须拥有创造者，这神圣的创造者确立了我们与世界的经验关系。康德早就论证道，我们必须用来体验世界和构想世界的那些方式，不能被扩展用于经验之外的自在之物，但是阿贝尔用14 以下的简单的论断反驳康德的主张：像阿贝尔论述的，康德的主要论点是“难以令人信服的”，从康德特有的前提中推不出来。
Abel’s book was short in length and even shorter in argument, but it was probably known to Hegel as one of the first things he learned about Kantianism. It is likely that the teenage Hegel thereby inherited some slightly anti-Kantian ideas from Professor Abel, particularly the ideas, first, that Kant’s “pure reason” was simply too general and too formal to do the work that Kant said it could do (something that his Wiirttembergian background would have predisposed him to believe); and second, that the traditional proofs of God’s existence and of the necessity of a final cause of the world had been left untouched by Kant’s system, which itself would have meshed nicely with everything else Hegel was learning about Kant from his excerpts. In addition, it may have filled the young Hegel’s mind with the idea that Kant, for all his brilliance, had not offered a serious challenge to the traditional metaphysics of religion, so that he could remain convinced that the truly serious issues had to do only with what an enlightened heart could discover for itself (all opinions he was later, of course, to revise entirely, although his suspicion of what he took to be Kant’s formalism was never to go away).^"^
阿贝尔的书篇幅很短且论证更短，但是它却很可能被公认为是黑格尔读过的康德哲学最初读物中的一本。所以，大概少年黑格尔某些朦胧的反康德的想法得之于阿贝尔教授，特别是得之于以下这样的想法：首先，康德的“纯粹理性”简直过于一般和过于形式化，以致起不到康德说的它能够起的作用（这就是他的符腾堡人背景也许使他未经了解就相信的某种东西)；其次，上帝存在的传统证明和世界终极原因的必然性的传统证明没有被康德哲学体系触及，这本身大概恰好牵涉黑格尔从他摘录中学得的康德的其他思想。另外，可能青年黑格尔满脑子想的是，就他的全部卓越的才华而言，康德这位贤哲没有对宗教的传统形而上学发起严肃的挑战，所以，他仍需证明真正严肃的问题，仅仅关系到一个摆脱了偏见的心灵能够为自己发现的东西（这里当然指的是，他后来将要加以颠覆的全部见解，但是他对自己所看作的康德的形式主义，始终抱着怀疑的态度）。”
Whatever knowledge the young Hegel had about Kant, though, he was clearly influenced by and quite taken with Gotthold Ephraim Lessing. Hegel even recorded in his diary that he had read Lessing’s play Nathan the Wise (published in 1779). The play, although rather didactic, made a big impression on Hegel (as it did on countless other young men at the time). In the play, Nathan, a Jew, exemplifies what Lessing took to be the ideals of Enlightenment religion: that all religions are inherently one, that the true teaching of enlightened religion is that we should acknowledge our fundamental common humanity, but that nonetheless the differences between people are neither to be eradicated nor disavowed but instead tolerated. Nathan’s “message” - that the same basic moral and spiritual characteristics that make one man a Jew make another man a Christian, and that therefore many different forms of religion can peacefully and fruitfully coexist in an enlightened, cosmopolitan polity - both expressed and affirmed that the young Hegel’s religious convictions and his Wiirttemberg heritage were not at odds with his Enlightenment and humanistic education, that he could be a good Wiirttemberger and a man of the Enlightenment (although his diary entries show him nonetheless manifesting a typical Wiirttemberg Protestant disdain for Catholic practices). More generally, Nathan’s “message” expressed for Hegel the idea that adherence to one’s traditions and practices was both important and did not necessarily exclude one from recognizing the common humanity of others. If one followed Nathan’s example, one could be both religious and rational, emotional and enlightened, proud of one’s own traditions without impugning those of others - all the kinds of things that were quite radical for their own day, however cliched they may seem to us now. They were the kinds of things to fill the mind of a young man like Hegel with heady dreams of Enlightenment progress. In the very youthful essays on religious and political topics that he was to write immediately after leaving the university, he was to return time and again to the figure of Nathan as a paradigm of enlightened, humane religiosity.
然而，不管青年黑格尔对康德有什么看法，他明摆着受到了康德的影响，他还迷恋戈特霍尔德·埃弗拉伊姆·菜辛的思想。他甚至在日记中写道，他读过莱辛的剧本《智者纳坦》（发表于1779年）。这个剧本虽然颇具说教色彩，还是对黑格尔影响甚大（像它对那时无数其他青年产生过很大影响一样）。在这个剧本里，纳坦作为犹太人体现莱辛具体理解的启蒙运动宗教的理想：天下宗教天生是一路货色，开明宗教的真教义在于我们应该认可基本的共同人性，但是人们之间的差别却仍然未被消除，也没有被否认，反而得到容忍。纳坦的“启示”——相同的基本道德特点和精神特点使一个人成为犹太人而使另一人成为基督徒，所以宗教的许多不同形式就能在一个开明的世界主义的政体中和平共处开花结果——表达且证实了青年黑格尔的宗教信仰和他的符腾堡遗产是与他的启蒙运动和人文主义教育并行不悖的，同时也表达且证实了他能成为一个善良的符腾堡人和一个经历过启蒙1运动的人（但是他的日记内容显示他依然流露出对天主教实践的一种典型的符腾堡新教徒的鄙视）。更为笼统地说，纳坦的“启示”向黑格尔传达的理念是，人们对传统和习俗的秉承既十分重要也未必阻止人们认可其他人的共通人性。人们如果以纳坦为榜样，就有可能在宗教和理性上在情感和知识上，为自己的而非别人抨击的传统而感到自豪。——所有这类东西就它们自己的时代而言是十分激进的，而它们在今人看来可能是多么陈腐老套。它们这类东西充满像黑格尔一样的对启蒙运动发展心怀狂热梦想的青年人的心灵。在黑格尔大学毕业后紧接着撰写的关于宗教话题和政治话题的那批十分青涩的论文中，他将再次回到纳坦这位开明而仁爱的笃信宗教的典范式人物。
The figure of Lessing himself made, it would seem, an equally big impression on Hegel. When Lessing began his career, there was little to no German literature, no German theater, no German literary criticism to speak of, and virtually no public for such things had they existed. Lessing carved out for himself a German equivalent of the career of a “man of letters” (an idea imported from France), and to do this he had first to educate and virtually create his public. Lessing admirably succeeded in almost all of his tasks; his accomplishments and his character (particularly, his uncompromising honesty about himself) made him the uncontested hero of German literary culture. In this sense, he was the absolute paradigm of an “educator of the people,” a Volkserzieher Lessing even titled one of his better-known books The Education of the Human Race - and Hegel cluttered his diaries with observations on what it would mean to be such an “educator of the people,” clearly imagining such a role for himself. For Hegel, the example of Lessing helped to flesh out in imagination the idea of being a “man of letters,” one who would live off his writings (and perhaps also preach at a parish to help pay the bills, since “men of letters” rarely earned a living simply from their letters), who would educate a public towards its enlightenment, and who would embody in his own life the unities of Enlightenment rationality, Rousseauian emotionalism, religious piety, and openminded, wide-ranging thought.
看来莱辛本人这个人物对黑格尔同样影响很大。莱辛在开始从事文学创作时，几乎没有德国文学、没有法国戏剧、没有德国文学批评可言，实质上对于这样的东西还谈不上有什么公众，要是它们存在的话。莱辛为自己赢得了一个德国“文人”（一个由法国引入的概念）的名声，而为此他起初必须培养他的读者且实质上创造他的读者。莱辛令人钦佩地几乎完成了自己的全部任务；他的造诣和品格（特别是他对自己的始终如一的诚实）使他成为德国文学教育方面无可争议的英雄。从这种意义上说，他是“人民教育学家”或aVolkserzieher的纯真的典范——莱辛曾写过的题为《论人类教育》是他的较为著名的书之———黑格尔在日记里穿插着对成为这样一名“人民教育家”通常具有的含义作了评论，显然他设想自己扮演这样的角色。对黑格尔来说，莱辛这个榜样有助于激发起人们想象自己成为“文人”的热情，文人总是靠自己作品过日子（或许也常到堂区讲道以有助于付账，因为“文人”鲜有只凭自己的学问谋生），文人总是教育公众走向觉悟，文人总是在他自己的生活中体现出使启蒙运动合理性、卢梭唯情论、宗教虔诚和无偏见的深远的思想融为一炉。
In short, Hegel’s diary entries, his excerpts, and the essays of his school days in Stuttgart display a keen young mind that is throwing around a lot of thoughts without coming down to anything like a settled position on things. He reveals himself as “for” the Enlightenment in the sense of an unbiased, critical approach to things; he is “for” religion, especially a religion that actually claims the hearts of people and can make equal claim to being “enlightened”; he is “against” dry abstract reason and “mere” book learning (although, ironically, he is clearly a person steeped beyond his years in such “book learning”); he is “for” progress; and, like any good young Rousseauian, he is “for” learning from “experience,” from “life,” from “activity.” He seems to have fully absorbed the emerging German ideal of Bildung — a multipurpose term that included the ideals of education, art, culture, and the formation of cultivated taste - which people such as the revered Moses Mendelssohn had identified with Enlightenment itself. A person of Bildung was thus “fit” to be the kind of person who was morally entitled to be an “educator of the people,” since he himself could make good claims to being supremely “cultivated and educated” himself. In Wiirttemberg, the ideal of Bildung was also fused with a religious dimension - a person of Bildung would also have a properly formed religious conscience, and Hegel was no exception. The young Hegel thus applied himself to his studies to become such a man of Bildung, and he did so with a striking confidence in his own intellectual powers, a trait that was to be with him for his entire life; the teenage Hegel never seemed to be especially worried that he might be in over his head, or that he might be misrepresenting to himself the content of what he had been reading. He was instead fully confident that he could master any subject, and his experience at the Stuttgart Gymnasium (and, we assume, at home) had only helped to support that self-conception and self-confidence.
简而言之，黑格尔日记的内容、他的摘录和他在斯图加特学校时16 撰写的论文，这些都显示出一位才思敏捷的青年心里有着许多乱蓬蓬的想法，而还没有涉及像关于事物的确定的立场一样的东西。从一种对待事物公正的批判的态度意义上说，他显露出自己“保卫”启蒙运动；他“保卫”宗教，特别“保卫”一种实际上主张对人心灵提出要求的且能够对“觉悟”提出同样要求的宗教；他“反对”干瘪抽象的理性和“纯粹的”书本知识（虽然，具有讽刺意味的是，他这个人显然与世隔绝，沉浸于“纯粹的”书本知识)；他“赞成”发展；跟优秀的青年卢梭主义者一样，他坚持向“经验”学习，向“生活”学习，向“行动”学习。他似乎完全吸收了那时出现的修养这一德国人的理想——一个包含教育、艺术、文化修养和高雅趣味形成这样一些理想的通用术语——它被诸如受人尊崇的莫泽斯·门德尔松这样的人们认为是启蒙运动自身的产物。一个有教养的人因而“适合”成为一种道德上被叫作“人民教育学家”的人，因为他本人能很好地要求自己成为极“有教养和知识的”人。在符腾堡，修养这一理想同样被和一种宗教维度融为一体。——一个有教养的人也通常具有一种正确形成的宗教良心，黑格尔也不例外。青年黑格尔因此全身心扑在学习上，追求成为这样的一个有教养的人，他在这样做时对他自己的智力显然信心十足，这一点成了他终身的特点；青少年时期的黑格尔看来从不特别担忧，他可能遇到深奥不可理解的东西，或他可能歪曲自己一直以来所解读的内容。他反而充分相信自己能够驾驭任何问题，他在斯图加特高级中学（和我们确信他在家）那段经历仅仅有助于对他的自我概念和自信起着支撑作用。
Hegel was one of a few students selected to give graduation speeches at the Gymnasium. Like the others who were selected, he was required to speak on the topic of Turkey. Hegel chose to speak on “The abortive state of art and scholarship in Turkey.” The conventions of the talk were to give the schoolboy the opportunity to display his erudition, praise his teachers, and, of course, to praise the wise administration of Karl Eugen for providing them with a much superior educational environment than was supposedly available in poor, benighted Turkey. Hegel accomplished both tasks dutifully, even if somewhat long- windedly. With that, he brought his life as a Gymnasium student to a close.
黑格尔是被选出在斯图加特高中毕业典礼上做演讲的几位同学之一。跟被选中的其他同学一样，他被要求以土耳其为题作演讲。黑格尔选择的演讲题为“土耳其作为艺术和学问的失败国度”。这次演讲的策划者使这位男生有机会一展博学，赞扬老师，并且当然少不了赞扬卡尔·欧根治校有方，为他们营造了极为优越的教育环境，据称这在贫穷愚昧的土耳其是得不到的。黑格尔圆满地完成了这两项任务，1但是整个演讲略显长了些。此后，黑格尔结束了斯图加特高中生活。
His head full of mixed ideas, Hegel set off — full of confidence in his powers but also, no doubt, with a little anxiety about his future - to study theology at the university at Tubingen, a seat of learning where almost all the notables of Wiirttemberg had studied since the fifteenth century. In his own mind, he most likely foresaw himself following a career path partly modeled on that of Lessing: He was to become a minister or at least a theologian; he was to help to “educate” and “enlighten” the public with his learning - in science, philosophy, theology, languages, and literature - and he was to become a “man of letters.” Since almost one quarter of the books being published at the time in Germany were theology books, his career path as a theologian seemed no doubt to him a wise, although — given the already small and rapidly diminishing number of positions for ministers available at the time - also a somewhat risky choice. But, after all, had not Lessing started out his career as a student of theology.? At this point in his life, Hegel had firmly allied himself with the Enlightenment, at least as he understood it, and the future he ambitiously imagined for himself as a young man had him playing a role in continuing that progress promised by more Enlightenment. The issue of what was genuinely modern and of how to bring the past up to date, make things more enlightened, formed the hazy edges of the future he was beginning to envision for himself. To that end, so he thought at the time, he would pursue a career in theology, he would preach a new, “enlightened” religion to his parish, and he would write essays (or novels or plays or poetry - at this stage the teenage Hegel could not really have said which) that would assist in the project of increasing enlightenment.
在思绪零乱情况下，黑格尔动身——不但对他的能力充满信心而且肯定对前程带着一丝忧虑——前往图宾根大学学习神学，自14世纪以来符腾堡的几乎所有知名人士都曾在图宾根大学留下身影。在他自己的心目中，他很可能预见到他自己追求的事业之路部分地仿莱辛追求的事业之路：他想当一名牧师或至少做一名神学研究者；他打算以他的学识——用科学、哲学、神学、语言和文学——来帮助“教育”和“启发”公众，并且他想成为一个“文人”。因为那时德国出版的书籍几乎有四分之一是神学著作，所以在他看来他作为一名神学研究者的事业之路无疑是一种明智的选择，尽管——考虑到那时牧师就业前景已现某些不景气的苗头——也是一种多少有点冒险的选择。但是毕竟要是菜辛开始没有学神学又会如何呢?在生活的这个节骨眼上，黑格尔坚定地使自己与启蒙运动联系在一起，至少像他理解的一样；他作为一个青年人雄心勃勃地为自己所设想的未来，使他在继续推动由更多的启迪承诺的发展方面发挥重要的作用。真正的现代化的问题，怎样除旧布新的问题，怎样使有些东西变得更文明的问题，所有这些都构成了他在着手为自己设想的未来的模糊轮廓。说到底，像他那时所思考的，他将走神学研究这条路，他将向他所辖的堂区宣讲一种新的“文明的”宗教，他将写论文（或小说或剧本或诗歌——在此阶段青少年时期的黑格尔不可能真正地说出）什么将有助于更具启发性的计划。
Once at Tubingen, however, he was to strike up a friendship with two other students that would change his life forever; he was to find that the ideas he so self-confidently brought with him were not as clear as he had thought, nor was their fit with each other as seamless as he had imagined it to be; and he was fully to abandon the idea of becoming a pastor, deciding instead at first to embark on the more dangerous path of leading something like an independent life as a “man of letters.” Although Hegel could not have known it at the time, as he left for Tubingen, his Wiirttemberg upbringing had equipped him with an ambition, a somewhat overweening self-confidence, and a set of ideas that were to generate many of the problems that would eventually lead him fairly late in his career to decide to become a professor of philosophy in a university setting. Indeed, as Hegel’s world began to widen for him at the university and immediately thereafter, he came to find that reconciling the particularistic appeal to social mores he had acquired through his Wiirttemberg upbringing with the demands of the more universalistically inclined Enlightenment rationality that he had acquired at home and at the Stuttgart Gymnasium was neither personally easy nor immediately achievable. His doubts and frustrations about these ideas would begin at Tubingen but would not be resolved, as he was to find out, until much later.
可是，一到图宾根，他就将和其他两位学生建立友谊，这两位同学终将改变他的人生轨迹；一到图宾根，他就将发现自己极自信地产生的那些设想并不像他原先思考的那样清楚，那些设想也并不像他原来设想的是相互一致的；一到图宾根，他就将完全放弃了先前当牧师的想法，而就将开始决定走更加危险的道路，做一名过着独立生活的18“文人”。虽然黑格尔那时还不可能认识到这些，但是当他去图宾根深造的时候，他的符腾堡人教养使他雄心勃勃、使他多少有点儿太过自信、使他产生一系列想法，这些想法将引起的很多问题终将导致他在事业上很晚才决定当大学哲学教授。实际上，当黑格尔的世界开始在大学里得到拓展和之后得到很快拓展的时候，他逐渐发现个人不易做得到也无法直接实现以下的两个方面的和解：对他通过符腾堡人教养所获得的社会道德观念的排他主义诉求，与对他在家中和斯图加特高中时所获得的更带有普遍性倾向的启蒙运动合理性的要求。他对这些想法的怀疑和失望，应该肇始于图宾根时期，而将直到很晚才会被消除，像他将发现的一样。
