第10章 柏林时期：改革与镇压的中心(1818—1821)(2)
The various clashes among the faculty then descended into desultory hostilities involving various personalities, and the so-called wars of liberation against Napoleon only took more steam out of the original idealism surrounding the founding of the university. During the wars, the number of students declined precipitously; by the summer of 1813, for example, only fifteen students were attending the university.'^ Fichte himself died of typhoid during the war (while serving as a chaplain, along with his wife, who was serving as a nurse), and after the war the university could not quite manage to regain its original idealism. It had already begun to segment itself into more narrowly professional disciplines, and the students themselves were tending more and more to professional concerns rather than to Bildung and the love of Wissenschaft for its own sake.
此后，教职工间的各种冲突演变成漫无目的的恶意人身攻击，而所谓的反对拿破仑的解放战争，更是削弱了围绕柏林大学创建的原初理想。战争期间，柏林大学学生数量锐减；例如，到 1813 年夏，全校仅有 15 名学生入学。费希特本人在战争期间因伤去世（当时他担任随军牧师，妻子也一同前往做护士工作），战后，柏林大学根本无法重拾其原初的理想。它早已将自身分割成许多更为狭窄的专业学科，学生们越来越倾向于职业方面的考虑，而非追求教化以及出于对科学本身的热爱。
By the time Hegel was called to Berlin, however, things had begun to improve, and his arrival was therefore greeted with a mixture of optimism, skepticism, anxiety, and expectation. The philosophical faculty had had no systematic philosopher teaching there since Fichte’s death, and while many lamented that fact, many others wanted it to remain that way. Thus, Hegel was stepping into a situation as full of promise as it was full of difficulty; but in his own mind he was going exactly to where he ought to be. Hegel had long subscribed to the Jena vision of the modern university as the central institution of modern life, he certainly shared very deeply something like von Humboldt’s vision for the university (however much he and von Humboldt were to disagree over other things); and he was at that point the leading proponent of the post-Kantian line of thought that had emanated from Jena in the first place and thus the appropriate philosopher for a university founded on the basis of Jena-inspired philosophy.
不过，到黑格尔应招前往柏林时，情况已开始好转，因此，他面对的是思想气氛上乐观主义、怀疑论、焦虑与期待交织的复杂局面。自费希特去世后，柏林大学哲学系一直没有成体系的哲学家执教，很多人对此感到惋惜，但也有不少人希望维持这一局面。于是，黑格尔踏入了一个既充满希望又困难重重的境地；而在他自己看来，他恰恰前往了该去的地方。黑格尔长期以来一直赞同耶拿人将现代大学视为现代生活核心机构的观点；他当然也深切认同类似于冯·洪堡对大学的看法（尽管在其他事情上与洪堡意见相左）；他是当时源自耶拿的后康德思想路线的一流拥护者，因此也是适合在基于耶拿天启哲学创建的大学中执教的哲学家。
Hegel’s identification with the Jena ideal of philosophy had informed all of his writings and aspirations since his arrival in Jena in i8oi. The status of philosophy in the older university had not been that of a science, a Wissenschaft\ philosophy was taken as a propaedeutic to theology, as a discipline whose integrity was parasitic on that for which it was a preparation. This had been in fact the status of philosophy at Tubingen when Hegel had studied there; at Tubingen the first two years of exclusive study in philosophy were justified only to prepare one for the (supposedly) more rigorous training in theology to follow. Hegel’s insistence on philosophy as a “learned discipline” on its own - on philosophy as Wissenschaft, science - had been a rejection of his Tubingen training and an expression of his Jena-inspired modernism. Assuming a chair at Berlin was thus assuming a chair at a university that had been founded on the very ideal on which Hegel had staked his life. Moreover, the Berlin university had also incorporated into its founding the ideal of Bildung, the other great Hegelian modernist ideal.
黑格尔对耶拿哲学理想的认同，早已通过他自1801年到达耶拿以来的著作与抱负公之于世。在旧时大学里，哲学还不具有“科学”（Wissenschaft）的地位；哲学被当作神学的一门预备学科看待，被完全当作一门靠作为神学附庸过着寄生生活的学科看待。这其实也是黑格尔当年在图宾根学习时哲学所具有的地位；在图宾根时，头两年专门学习哲学，只是为接下来一年（据称）更严格的神学训练提供合理性证明。黑格尔坚持认为哲学本身是一门“学术性的学科”——哲学是Wissenschaft（科学），这种看法背离了他图宾根时期的训练模式，表达了他耶拿时期的现代主义理念。担任柏林大学哲学系系主任，因此就相当于担任依据他一直以来以自己的生活为赌注所追求的理想而创建的大学系主任。再者，柏林大学也早已将黑格尔其他的现代主义伟大理想融入它独创的教化理想之中。
Hegel was quite clearly enthusiastic about the prospect. At some point, probably in preparing his inaugural lecture for Berlin, Hegel had jotted down as a marginal note to the text of his inaugural lecture in Heidelberg an echo of the epithet first (allegedly) enunciated by the Prussian king, “Prussia [is] built on higher intelligence - greater seriousness and higher need.”^“ In his actual inaugural lecture in Berlin on October 22, 1818, Hegel proclaimed that in Prussia and at the Berlin university, “the cultivation (Bildung) and the flowering of the sciences is here one of the essential moments itself in the life of the state', at this university, the university of the focal point, philosophy, the focal point of all cultivation of the spirit, of all science and truth, must find its place and its principal furtherance.”^'
黑格尔显然对前景充满热情。在某种程度上，很可能早在准备柏林大学就职演讲时，黑格尔就已在他海德堡就职演讲稿正文中草草做了个旁注，重复最初（据说）是由普鲁士国王说的话：“普鲁士以更高的才智——更严谨的作风和更高的要求作为思想基础。”在1818年10月22日他的柏林大学实际就职演讲中，黑格尔极力宣扬，在普鲁士和在柏林大学，“教化（Bildung）和科学的繁荣本身构成国家生活中的基本环节之一；在这所大学或这所核心大学里，哲学作为精神的一切教化的中心，或一切科学与真理的中心，必须获得它相应的地位和主要方法。”
Hegel was not coming to Berlin merely to hold a job doing something he liked; he was coming to achieve his modernist program, which hinged on philosophy’s becoming the unifying element of the modern which was itself a necessary institution if the postrevolutionary world was to succeed in its own aspirations. To many at Berlin, Hegel’s arrival thus offered some hope that the Humboldtian ideal could be reinvigorated; to others, Hegel’s arrival seemed like a threat to what by then had become the status quo. That Hegel would have provoked great controversy at Berlin was thus not something, at least in retrospect, that should have been surprising.
黑格尔来柏林并不只是为了拥有一份工作，做他喜欢做的事情；他来柏林是为了完成他的现代主义计划，这项计划取决于哲学成为现代大学的统一元素，而现代大学本身是必不可少的社会公共机构，如果后革命时期的世界要想成功实现自身抱负的话。在柏林许多人看来，黑格尔的到来为洪堡的理想可能被重新注入活力带来了某些希望；在其他人看来，黑格尔的到来则似乎威胁到了那时已成定局的状况。因此，黑格尔的到来引发柏林的巨大争论，这并非什么令人惊奇之事，至少事后看来是如此。
Hegel Adapts to Berlin
Hegel and his family quickly settled into their new quarters, and Hegel almost immediately began his courses, lecturing on the “Encyclopedia of Philosophy” and “Natural Right and Political Science” five times per week (from 4:00-5:00 P.M. and from 5:00-6:00 P.M. respectively). Things looked auspicious for Hegel upon his arrival in Berlin. Although the majority of people actively publishing works in philosophy at the time in all of Germany comprised an odd assortment of people practicing Naturphilosophie under Schellingian influence (with a heavy dose of obscurantism thrown into the mix), Hegel was the person most au courant in Germany. After 1809, Schelling had fallen silent in his literary endeavors, and, although Schelling still had the greatest number of adherents teaching philosophy in universities, the real choice in modern philosophy had come down to Fries or Hegel, both of them claiming to represent the next step in the Kantian revolution in philosophy.
黑格尔适应了柏林生活
黑格尔及其家人很快迁入他们的新居，黑格尔几乎立即着手他的教学工作，讲授“哲学百科全书”和“自然法与政治科学”这两门课，每周五次课（分别是下午4点至5点和5点至6点）。对黑格尔来说，他来到柏林后一切看上去都还顺利。虽然那时全德国绝大多数积极出版哲学著作的人，是受谢林影响（这无异于一剂使人稀里糊涂陷入蒙昧主义的猛药）做自然哲学研究的形形色色之人，但黑格尔却是德国深谙世情的佼佼者。1809年以后，谢林在他的哲学事业上趋于沉寂，尽管如此，谢林仍有为数众多的追随者在大学讲授哲学。事实上，弗里斯和黑格尔早已成为现代哲学的宠儿，他们两人声称自己代表康德哲学革命的最新进展。
Although he had arrived amid some intense speculation about what kind of impression he was going to make, to the surprise of a great many at Berlin, he at first made no impact at all. One of his younger colleagues in philosophy at Berlin, Karl Solger, who had keenly anticipated Hegel’s arrival, noted soon thereafter that “nobody speaks of him because he is so still and industrious.”^^ The theologian de Wette, a student and friend of Fries, noted in a letter to Fries that nobody seemed concerned with Hegel, but, as de Wette presciently warned, he had “no doubt” that [Hegel] would “soon entice a few into his net.”^^
黑格尔已经苦心推断出他将会给人留下何种印象，但是，令柏林很多人大吃一惊的是，他起初根本没有产生任何影响。他在柏林大学哲学系的青年同事之一，卡尔·佐尔格，翘首以待黑格尔的到来，之后不久便注意到，“之所以无人谈及黑格尔，是因为黑格尔深居简出、潜心学问”。神学家德魏特，弗里斯的学生兼朋友，在致弗里斯的信中写道，没有人关注黑格尔，但是，像德魏特先知般地提醒的，他[黑格尔]“无疑”将会“很快引诱一些人进入他的网中”。
That Hegel was at first silent is not surprising. He had to set up a new household and find his way around a new university and, having also committed himself to writing a new book on his political and moral philosophy, had to contend with concerns for his wife’s health, which. already fragile before the trip to Berlin, did not improve much during their first whole winter there in 1818—1819. Hegel s silence was enough to provoke Niethammer to complain lightheartedly in a letter of January 19, 1819, about having not heard anything directly from Hegel in such a long time.^"* When Niethammer also inquired about Hegel’s finding him a position in Berlin — things were going badly politically for Niethammer in Munich, and he was coming to the conclusion that he had wasted fourteen years of his professional life there - Hegel had to answer with no small regret that he was only on the “periphery” of things in Berlin, without any real connections to the movers and doers of Berlin life, and hence could not be of any help.^^ Given how much Hegel owed to Niethammer’s having secured him positions in his own life, this admission of powerlessness on his own part must have seemed rather poignant to him.
黑格尔开始时的沉寂并不让人感到惊讶。他必须安置好自己的新家，设法在一所新大学打开局面，在潜心撰写一本有关政治哲学和道德哲学新书的同时，还得为妻子的身体健康操心——妻子身体在来到柏林之前就已经非常虚弱，在到达柏林后的1818至1819年第一个冬季期间并没有多大起色。黑格尔的极度沉寂引起尼特哈默尔在1819年1月19日致黑格尔信中信口抱怨，称这么长时间都没直接从黑格尔那里收到过任何信件了。那时尼特哈默尔也向黑格尔打听可否帮他在柏林谋得个职位——对时在慕尼黑的尼特哈默尔来说，政治境遇变得非常糟糕，他逐渐得出这样的结论：他已经在这里浪费了14年的职业生涯。黑格尔不得不极为遗憾地回复道，他仅仅处于柏林社会的“边缘”，跟柏林社会生活中有权有势者没有任何真正的联系，因此他无法提供任何帮助。考虑到黑格尔在他自己的职业生涯中能确保他职位很大程度上要归功于尼特哈默尔，他承认自己无能为力，这想必对他来说是极其痛苦的事情。
However, Hegel was also slightly dissimulating in his description of himself to Niethammer. In fact, although he started slowly, Hegel had begun to find himself at home in the world of the Berlin intellectuals and elite. Very shortly after his arrival in Berlin, Schleiermacher took Hegel as his guest on October 31, 1818 to one of the prestigious genteel clubs in Berlin, the Gesetzlose Gesellschaft (the Lawless Lodge), and on November 28, 1818, Hegel became an official member of the club.^^ The new philosopher in town was clearly being taken seriously by his colleagues, even if he did not yet quite see himself as part of the influential circle of movers and doers in Berlin. Still, he was delighted with the reception he received. In a letter of October 30, 1819, to an old friend in Heidelberg, Creuzer, Hegel noted somewhat proudly that in Berlin, not only are the youth “receptive to and interested in philosophy. One even finds majors, colonels, and privy councilors attending one’s lectures here.””
不过，黑格尔在向尼特哈默尔描述自己的状况时也作了些许掩饰。事实上，尽管起步很慢，黑格尔早已开始在柏林知识分子和精英界变得如鱼得水。在黑格尔到达柏林后很短时间，施莱尔马赫1818年10月31日就邀请黑格尔作为客人去柏林一家颇有声望的上流社会俱乐部“Gesetzlose Gesellschaft”（一个非法的团体），1818年11月28日黑格尔成为这个俱乐部的一名正式成员。这个新来的都市哲学家显然很受他同事的看重，尽管他还没有完全自视为柏林有影响的有权有势者团体中的一员。尽管如此，他对自己受到的接纳感到非常高兴。在1819年10月30日致海德堡老友克罗伊策的信中，黑格尔带着些许得意的口吻写到，在柏林不只是年轻人“接纳哲学和对哲学感兴趣。甚至还可以见到一些少校、上校、枢密院官员也都来这里听哲学课”。
It was also quite clear that the Hegel family was enjoying its new surroundings and the increase in income that came with Hegel’s new, better-compensated position. In addition to his salary of 2,000 Thalers, he managed in his first year to take in 533L2 Thalers in lecture fees, examination fees, and the like (although he continued to waive his fees for those he thought could not afford them).^* The Hegel family lived in a characteristically “Biedermeier” style, a particularly German style typical of the early nineteenth century.” The emphasis in “Biedermeier” was on domesticity, coziness, and simplicity of design. It was a thoroughly middle-class, upright attitude and outlook; it prized itself on its simplicity and practicality as distinct from what was seen as the ostentation and profligacy of the aristocracy. It was also modern in the way it reflected the ethos of the new kinds of middle-class families and living arrangements that had arisen as the sphere of work had separated itself from the home. The Biedermeier house was centered around socializing among the members of the family, and the elements of it remain familiar: The central room of the house was the appropriately titled “living room” {Wohnzimmer) that included a sofa, an oval table, pictures on the wall (preferably of relations — Hegel’s mother-in-law proudly hung a picture of Hegel over her sofa after 1819^"), a hanging wood-framed mirror, and various work tables and sewing tables for the women; there would be a study with a writing desk and plenty of bookcases (or if there was no study, the small writing desk and bookcases would be part of the living room); the furniture - itself solid, practical, and easily movable - would be arranged not in terms of any larger symbolic design but so as to encourage socializing; there would typically be pleated curtains; bird cages and plants would be arranged on a table built to support them; there would also be a piano (something the Hegel family had possessed already in Nuremberg in 1811). All of these, including an upright clock (purchased in 1819) were to be found in the Hegel household; the family also kept at one time or another a pair of mating doves and a canary, and they were the proud owners of a flowering cactus. (Hegel also had the habit of taking naps on the sofa, sometimes falling asleep there and sleeping a good part of the night on it.)''
还有一点也是非常清楚的，黑格尔一家人非常喜爱他们的新环境，由于黑格尔新的、高薪的职位带来了收入上的增长。除了他2000泰勒的薪水，他在第一年里还设法拿到了533.5泰勒的讲课费、监考费和诸如此类的费用（尽管他继续对一些出不起听课费的学生免收费用）。黑格尔一家人过着一种带有“毕德麦耶尔时期”风格的生活，一种典型的19世纪早期德国特有的风格的生活。“毕德麦耶尔风格”强调居家设计上的舒适与简朴。它体现出一种彻头彻尾的中产阶级诚实的态度与观点；它凸显自身的简朴、实用，区别于人们看作的贵族阶层的奢华与挥霍。它也以某种方式体现现代色彩，以这种方式，它反映新兴中产阶级家庭的风貌以及当工作场所已经从家庭分离出去时常见的居家安排。毕德麦耶尔时期房屋以家庭成员的社交为中心，它的主要元素仍然是人们很熟悉的东西，房屋的主房间被恰当地冠名为“起居室”（Wohnzimmer），室中有一个沙发，一张椭圆形桌子，悬挂于墙上的画像（更合意的是亲戚的画像——1819年以后黑格尔岳母骄傲地在她的沙发上方挂了一张黑格尔的画像），一面悬挂的木框镜子，各种不同的工作台及供妇女用的裁缝桌；通常有一个内放写字台和许多书柜的书房（或者，如果没有一个书房，一个小的写字台和书柜就摆放在居室里）；家具本身——结实，实用，易搬动——大概不是为了讲排场安放，而是为营造社交氛围；窗户上常常挂着独特的褶皱状窗帘；鸟笼和植物常被置于专用的桌子上；通常也少不了一架钢琴（黑格尔家1811年在纽伦堡时就已经拥有一架钢琴）。上述所有这些，其中包括一个立式座钟（购买于1819年），皆可见于黑格尔家中；黑格尔家在不同的时期还养过一对鸽子和一只金丝雀，他们为拥有一盆开花的仙人掌而无比自豪。（黑格尔还养成在沙发上打盹儿的习惯，有时候在沙发上睡着了，在沙发上睡大半夜。）
Hegel was paid in quarterly installments of 500 Thalers, and he turned over all his honoraria to his wife. What extra money Marie had thus depended on how many students Hegel was attracting that semester and how many examinations he was presiding over. Marie’s duties included overseeing the running of domestic affairs, including arranging for and paying the various artisans and jobbers who were needed to keep their middle-class household running; Hegel took it on himself to pay the rent, pay the maids, and, significantly, to buy the wine. The purchase of wine remained in the Hegel household a matter of some priority, with quite a bit of expenditure going out for it; Hegel had acquired a taste for good wine and not in niggling amounts; he not only bought wine by the bottle but also by the barrel; among his favorites while he lived in Berlin were Cahors and Haut-Sauterne from France. (Hegel was also a great devotee of snuff tobacco.) He continued, as he had done in Bavaria, regularly and with gusto to play the state lottery, hoping for a big win one day to put his financial worries at ease. (Hegel was not a shrewd handler of his money; although he kept meticulous books, he regularly overestimated how much money was going to be coming in, and thus, not infrequently, overspent himself.
黑格尔每季度都能有500泰勒的款项进账，他把所有酬金都如数交给妻子。玛丽拿到的这笔外快的多少，取决于黑格尔一学期能吸引多少学生选他的课，以及他能主持多少场考试。玛丽的职责包括掌管家务运转，安排各类工匠和杂工的工作并支付薪水，因为维持一个中产阶级家庭的正常运转离不开他们；黑格尔自己负责支付租金、女仆佣金，重要的是亲自购买酒水。酒水采购在黑格尔家中始终占据优先地位，这方面的支出相当可观；黑格尔嗜酒如命，毫不吝惜金钱，不仅买瓶装酒，还买桶装酒，住在柏林时，他最喜爱的是产自法兰西的卡奥尔葡萄酒和奥—索泰纳葡萄酒。（黑格尔也极其爱好吸鼻烟。）他一如既往，像在巴伐利亚时那样，定期兴致勃勃地玩彩票，期望有朝一日能大赢一笔，消除经济上的后顾之忧。（黑格尔并非精明的理财者，尽管他始终精打细算，却总是高估自己的收入，导致经常入不敷出。）
Hegel and his wife went to the theater and the opera with some regularity and also went to various other concerts with some frequency. They purchased a new baby grand piano for the household, which Marie (and increasingly, the children) played, and they hosted many musical evenings in their house (a Berlin fashion at the time). The three boys were all required to take music lessons, and at least (but probably not only) Ludwig was required to take singing lessons. Their recreations were not restricted only to such highly cultural matters; in January of 1820, Hegel purchased a bolt of white satin in order for Marie to have a ball gown made for herself so that they could attend a gala Faschings ball in February (a Mardi Gras celebration); for himself, Hegel bought a large Venetian cape (a “Domino”) and a mask to wear to the ball. Even at forty-nine, Hegel still retained his youthful passion for attending balls and enjoying the eating, drinking, dancing and socializing that went on there. (Apparently he also enjoyed the aspect of dressing up in costume.)^^ As always, he avidly read the morning newspapers; his sons remember him constantly commenting on the political events of the day as he perused the newspaper each morning, no doubt drinking the coffee of which he was so fond.
黑格尔及其妻子经常出入戏院与歌剧院，也频繁参加其他各类音乐会。他们为家里添置了一架新的小型卧式钢琴，起初由玛丽弹奏（渐渐地孩子们也弹奏），夫妻俩还在家里举办了多次音乐晚会（这在当时的柏林是一种时尚）。家中三个儿子都被要求上音乐课，至少（而且很可能不止）路德维希被要求学习唱歌。他们的娱乐活动并不局限于这类文化品位较高的项目；1820年1月，黑格尔购置了几尼白缎，为玛丽制作舞会晚礼服，以便他们能参加2月份盛大的嘉年华舞会（庆祝狂欢节）；他自己则购买了一件威尼斯风格的大斗篷（“连帽化装斗篷”）和一个面具，穿戴这些去参加嘉年华舞会。即便年已49岁，黑格尔依然保持着青年人般的激情，参加舞会，享受美食、美酒、舞蹈和社交（显然他也有喜爱盛装华服的一面）。一如既往，他如饥似渴地阅读晨报；三个儿子不会忘记，他在仔细阅读每日晨报时，总会对当天的政治事件发表评论，毫无疑问，他总是一边品着特别喜爱的咖啡，一边如此。
Whatever the initial difficulties of setting up a new household in a city like Berlin, Hegel was obviously quite satisfied with life in his new position and was enjoying himself; he had the family life he had wanted, and he had his career right on target in the right place (and, so it seemed) at the right time. Marie Hegel even noted in the margins of a letter that Hegel wrote to Niethammer on March 26, 1819 (she had a habit of writing small marginalia on Hegel’s letters to mutual friends), “I see my Hegel content in his profession, cheerful with me and the children, and recognized - and that is what matters to an honorable, upright woman above all else.”^"*
无论像在柏林这样的城市安家起初遇到多少困难，黑格尔显然对自己在新职位上的生活非常满意，并乐在其中；他过上了一直向往的家庭生活，在合适的地方、（似乎也在）合适的时间拥有了理想的职业。玛丽，黑格尔甚至在1819年3月26日致尼特哈默尔的信中作了旁注（她习惯在黑格尔写给他们共同朋友的信件上写下小旁注），“我看得出我们家黑格尔对自己的职业、对我和子女的生活感到舒心乐意，对自己在学术上得到认可感到心满意足——这对一个注重脸面的诚实正派女性而言格外重要”。
But there were also clearly other tensions at work in the household. In her marginal note to Niethammer, Marie spoke warmly of how Karl and Immanuel were doing but did not even mention Ludwig — a telling omission, as if in her eyes he was not one of the family, was invisible, or at least was unworthy of being mentioned. Interestingly, Marie’s mother continued to send presents to all “three boys” for holidays at least until 1819 and continued to speak warmly of Ludwig until 1823.^^ It is also clear from Hegel’s household budget ledger that the family spent little on Ludwig’s birthday but quite a bit more on Karl and Immanuel’s birthdays; there is also a notice to the effect that Hegel took the two (not three) children in January to see the elephant and the rhinoceros; it is a reasonable surmise that the two were Karl and Immanuel, not Ludwig and one of the other brothers.^'’
不过，在黑格尔一家人中，显然也存在其他起作用的紧张因素。在给尼特哈默尔信的旁注中，玛丽热情地谈及卡尔和伊曼努尔的近况，却根本没有提及路德维希——这是一个明显的遗漏，仿佛在她眼中，路德维希不是这个家庭的成员，是个隐形人，或者至少不值得一提。 非常有趣的是，玛丽的母亲至少直到1819年，仍继续给“三个外孙”寄节日礼物，并且直到1823年在信中都还热情地提到路德维希。从黑格尔的家庭预算账本上也能明显看出，这个家庭在路德维希生日上的花费甚少，而在卡尔和伊曼努尔生日上的花费则要多得多；还有一则通知，大意是黑格尔在一月份可带两个（而非三个）孩子去看大象和犀牛。由此可以合理推测，这两个孩子是卡尔和伊曼努尔，而非路德维希和其他两兄弟中的一个。
In the middle of all this gaiety, Hegel also clearly felt himself to have reached a certain juncture in his life. When Jacobi died on March 10, 1819, Hegel noted it as a final passing of his youth. He remarked to Niethammer, “We feel ever more abandoned as, one by one, these old stocks, to whom we looked up from youth on, pass away. He was one of those who formed a turning point in the spiritual culture not only of individuals but of the age, who were the fixed points of the world in which we think of our existence,” and, he remarked sadly, “he had frequently asked for news of me, and will now never have received any from me in Berlin.As the heroes of his youth began to pass from the scene, the idea that he was now becoming an old man began to occupy Hegel’s thoughts more and more.
在上述这些欢乐中，黑格尔同样还清楚地感觉到自己已经到达人生中特定的关键时刻。当雅科比于1819年3月10日辞世时，黑格尔把这件事描述成他青年时期的彻底结束。他对尼特哈默尔谈到，“当这些从青年时代起我们就开始仰慕的德高望重的老先生一个接一个地与世长辞的时候，我们感觉自己越来越像没娘的孩子。雅科比属于这样一些人：他们不仅构成个体的，而且构成整个时代精神文化的转折点，他们是我们眼中自己所生存世界的固定坐标”，并且，他不无悲伤地谈道，“雅科比时常问及我的消息，现在再也不会从柏林我这里收到任何消息了。”当他青年时期的英雄们开始谢幕时，黑格尔意识到自己正在变成一个老人，这样的想法开始越来越占据他的思想。
Hegel and the Prussian Reaction: 1819-1820
The Murder of Kotzebue and the Search for “Demagogues”
Happy at home and in his career, Hegel was hard at work on his book on political philosophy, now known as the Philosophy of Right: he unfortunately could not see the storm coming his way at that time. On March 23, 1819, the ultrareactionary playwright August von Kotzebue was murdered. His loss was not mourned by those in the reform movement, who had good reason to dislike Kotzebue: He was an agent of the Russian government informing it of the “Jacobin” tendencies in German universities, and he was an outspoken opponent of all the reform agendas that were making the rounds in Germany. A twentythree-year-old student, Karl Sand, who had fallen under the sway of the most radical of the leaders of the BuTschenschuften, Karl Pollen, gained admittance to Kotzebue’s room and stabbed him to death. Sand, a fanatic devoted to Pollen’s ideas and one of the “honor guards” at the infamous Wartburg festival, took himself to be performing an almost sacred deed. Only a few weeks later, another member of the Burschenschaft^ Karl Loening, murdered Karl von Ibell, an official in the Land of Nassau (close to Prankfurt).^® The murders, particularly that of Kotzebue, gained quite a bit of attention throughout the various German Lander. Some were horrified, and some were enthused; in fact, most reformers tended simply to explain the murders away, even to suggest that they had been brought about by the despotic conditions of the times, and to adopt a rather detached attitude. Certainly no reformer mourned Kotzebue’s departure from the scene, and many regarded it ruefully as perhaps a necessary evil. (Sand was captured, tried, convicted, and executed; in an ironic turn of events, his executioner was a sympathetic democrat who then built a summerhouse out of the scaffolding on which Sand was executed and made it available to the Burschenschaft for secret meetings.
黑格尔与普鲁士的反动势力(1819 - 1820)
科策比遇刺和搜捕“煽动分子”
由于在家庭和事业上春风得意，黑格尔正努力撰写他那部如今以《法哲学原理》著称的政治哲学著作。很不幸，他没能察觉到一场正向他袭来的暴风雨。1819年3月23日，极端反动的剧作家奥古斯特·冯·科策比遇刺身亡。他的离世并未引起处于改革运动中的人们的悲伤，因为他们有充分理由厌恶科策比：他是普鲁士政府在德国大学中的代理人，定期向普鲁士政府汇报德国大学中“雅各宾派”的动向，还公开反对当时德国正在实施的所有改革议程。作为一名23岁的学生，卡尔·桑德深受最为激进的“学生联谊会”领袖卡尔·福伦的影响，他利用进入科策比房间的机会刺杀了科策比。桑德，一个狂热地献身于福伦理念的人，也是臭名昭著的瓦尔特堡节的“忠诚卫士”之一，他认为自己的行为近乎神圣。仅仅几个星期后，另一名“学生联谊会”成员卡尔·勒宁刺杀了（毗邻法兰克福的）拿骚公国官员卡尔·冯·伊贝尔。这两起刺杀事件，尤其是科策比遇刺事件，引起了整个德意志各个公国的高度关注。有些人感到毛骨悚然，有些人则激动万分；实际上，绝大多数改革者只是倾向于为这些谋杀事件辩解，甚至暗示它们是由当时的专制环境所引发，甚至抱着一种相当超然的态度。理所当然，没有哪个改革者会为科策比的死而悲伤，很多人或许只是出于恻隐之心，才把他的死看作一个必然出现的不幸。（桑德被捕、受审、定罪并被处死；事件出现了具有讽刺意味的转折，刽子手是一个富有同情心的民主主义者，他后来在离桑德被行刑的绞刑架不远处建了座避暑别墅，使“学生联谊会”能够在其中召开秘密会议。）
Hegel joined some other professors in an excursion to Pichelsberg in May 2, 1819, that was arranged by some students, most of whom were members of some Burschenschaft or another. Among the group was Schleiermacher, de Wette, and Johann Christian Hasse, a jurist at the university. There was much drinking and singing, particularly of patriotic songs about the spirit of the “liberation” from Napoleon. The students later noted how the professors seemed to become young again as they joined the festivities (and consumed their fair share of the wine and beer). One of the members, Priedrich Porster, who was later to become a good friend of Hegel’s, read a poem on the topic of Kotzebue’s death and ended with a toast: “We do not wish to drink a toast to Sand but rather to the downfall of evil, without so much as the dagger’s thrust.Other students chimed in to drink to Sand’s memory.
黑格尔在1819年5月2日加入了一些教授随学生到皮夏埃尔斯贝格旅游的行列，这次旅游由一些学生组织，其中绝大多数学生是某个“学生联谊会”成员或其他组织成员。在这支旅游队伍中有施莱尔马赫、德魏特，以及柏林大学法学家约翰·克里斯蒂安·哈赛。在皮夏埃尔斯贝格，他们放歌狂饮，特地唱了精神上“摆脱”拿破仑统治的爱国歌曲。参加本次旅游的学生后来指出，这些教授在加入这场欢宴（且豪饮葡萄酒和啤酒）时，看起来仿佛再次变得年轻。作为这次欢宴中的成员之一，后来成为黑格尔好友的弗里德里希·弗斯特，朗诵了一首以科策比之死为主题的诗作，并以下列祝酒辞结束朗诵：“我们不希望为桑德干杯，而宁可说是为恶势力的垮台干杯，甚至不希望为刺客的行刺干杯。”其他学生则插进来说为纪念桑德干杯。
Although many people in Germany had written off the murders as aberrations, the authorities were taking intense notice of them and treating them quite seriously. The more reactionary elements only saw their fears of Jacobin secret societies and potentially Prench-style revolutionary events confirmed in Kotzebue’s assassination. The Prussian nobility especially felt itself under threat, and the reactionary camp in Prussia, aghast at the assassination and its imagination inflamed, set to work to discover if such groups existed and to weed them out if they were to find them. They were particularly suspicious of the Burschenschaften and what they saw as their nationalist, republican tendencies (which many of the reactionary identified as the aims of the French Revolution). A widespread search for the “demagogues” began in earnest. By the middle of July, i8ig, a number of people were being arrested and interrogated.
尽管许多德国人早已不再将这些刺杀行为视为失常举动，但官方却对其予以密切关注，并极为严肃地对待。反动分子只看到官方对雅各宾派秘密社团的恐惧，以及在科策比遇刺案中潜在的法国式革命事件得到了“证实”。普鲁士贵族尤其感到自身受到威胁，普鲁士反动阵营被刺杀事件及其引发的种种联想吓得瞠目结舌，于是着手搜寻是否存在此类团体，一旦发现便要将其斩草除根。普鲁士反动阵营特别怀疑“学生联谊会”，以及他们所认为的学生社团中民族主义的共和主义倾向（许多反动分子将这种倾向的目标等同于法国大革命的目标）。一场声势浩大的搜寻“煽动家”行动就此郑重展开。到1819年7月中旬，大批民众遭到逮捕和审问。
Hegel's Students Arrested: The Case of Asverus
One of the first students to be arrested had been a student of Hegel’s in Heidelberg, Gustav Asverus. His father had been both Schelling’s and Hegel’s lawyer in Jena, had helped Hegel out with the problems surrounding the publication of the Phenomenology^ and later had handled the negotiations with Johanna Burkhardt concerning Hegel’s marriage to Marie von Tucher. Moreover, the younger Asverus was good friends with both Julius Niethammer and Hegel’s brother-in-law, Gottlieb von Tucher. On April 8, 1819, he was arrested by the Prussian police and held for fourteen days, even though there was no evidence that he had any connection with Karl Sand at all.
黑格尔的学生被捕：阿斯费鲁斯事件
第一批被捕的学生中，有一位是黑格尔在海德堡时期的学生古斯塔夫·阿斯费鲁斯。他的父亲是谢林和黑格尔在耶拿时期的律师，曾帮助黑格尔解决《精神现象学》的出版问题，后来还与约翰娜·布克哈特一同操办了黑格尔与玛丽·冯·图赫尔的婚姻大事。此外，小阿斯费鲁斯与尤利乌斯·尼特哈默尔以及黑格尔的小舅子戈特利布·冯·图赫尔是好友。1819年4月8日，他被普鲁士警方逮捕并关押了14天，尽管根本无法证明他与卡尔·桑德有关联。
But Asverus lacked a certain discretion, and on April 29, 1819, he wrote a letter to a friend in which he praised Sand, praised Hegel, and claimed that outside of de Wette, Hegel, and Hasse, all of the professors at Berlin were cowards. He then went on to write some other letters praising Hegel and lambasting Fries - who had been his original teacher in Heidelberg and who had tried to help out in the matter of his arresF' - and in one letter of May 11 to his parents, again praised Hegel and told them he wanted a unified “fatherland.” The authorities intercepted the letters and arrested Asverus again on the night of July 14, 1819 on suspicions of being a “demagogue” (in the parlance of the time, a dangerous subversive). They held him incommunicado, refusing to let anybody talk to him while he was being interrogated.'^^
然而，阿斯费鲁斯行事不够谨慎。1819年4月29日，他在给友人的信中，赞扬桑德，同时赞扬黑格尔，声称除了德魏特、黑格尔和汉斯外，柏林的其他教授都是胆小怯懦之辈。之后，他又在一些信件中赞扬黑格尔，痛斥弗里斯——弗里斯曾是他在海德堡时的恩师，还曾设法助他躲过牢狱之灾。在5月11日给父母的信中，他再次赞扬黑格尔，并告诉父母他渴望一个统一的“祖国”。当局截获了这些信件，于1819年7月14日晚再次逮捕阿斯费鲁斯，怀疑他是一名“煽动分子”（按照当时的说法，即危险的颠覆分子）。他们将他单独关押，在审查期间不允许任何人与他交谈。
On July 27, 1819, at the instigation of Asverus’ father, Hegel wrote to the Prussian police ministry speaking in favor of Asverus’s character and assuring the officials that whatever Asverus’s past had been, he had by now completely dissociated himself from the Burschenschaft movement, indeed, from all suspicious movements, and had devoted himself with some success to studying the learned disciplines at the university. It was to no avail. By August 24, 1819, Asverus had been held incommunicado for five weeks, and Hegel engaged an acquaintance, king s counsel K. L. Krause, to defend Asverus; Krause was also prevented from speaking with Asverus. It was not until Asverus s father managed to get the government of Sachse-Weimar to intervene diplomatically with the Prussian government that Asverus was set free — on March 3, 1820, almost nine months after he had first been arrested. Part of the terms of his release had to do with Hegel’s purchasing a state bond for 500 Thalers (about one-quarter of his total yearly income) as bail for Asverus.
1819年7月27日，在阿斯费鲁斯父亲的鼓动下，黑格尔给普鲁士警察局写信，为阿斯费鲁斯的人品作担保，向官方保证，无论阿斯费鲁斯过去做了什么，从今往后他都会彻底与“学生联谊会”的活动脱钩，实际上，会与所有可疑的运动划清界限，会致力于大学学术学科的研究，且现在已有所成就。但黑格尔的这些努力徒劳无功。到1819年8月24日，阿斯费鲁斯已被单独囚禁了5个星期，黑格尔聘请了国王法律顾问K.L.克劳泽这位熟人，为阿斯费鲁斯担任辩护律师，然而克劳泽同样被禁止与阿斯费鲁斯交谈。直到阿斯费鲁斯的父亲设法促使萨克森 - 魏玛政府通过外交途径与普鲁士政府斡旋，阿斯费鲁斯才得以获释——时间是1820年5月3日，此时距离他首次被捕已过去了将近9个月。他能获释，部分原因与黑格尔购买了500泰勒国债（大约相当于黑格尔年收入的四分之一）作为阿斯费鲁斯的保释金有关。
The incident with Asverus no doubt set Hegel’s nerves a bit on edge. The “focal point” to which he had just come had with rather alarming dispatch and efficiency, rounded up someone whom they suspected just might be a “demagogue” and, even worse, it was one of his students who had mentioned his name in the intercepted letters in contexts that might have made the somewhat overly zealous authorities suspicious of him. Moreover, his own brother-in-law, Gottlieb von Tucher, who was friendly with Asverus, was implicated in the whole affair and had ended one of his letters with the phrase, “When will the bloody-red morning ever dawn?”^^ Hegel dealt with the problem head-on and continued as he had been doing, deciding that the whole fracas represented at least no immediate threat to himself In fact, his attitude at first seemed to be that of shrugging off the whole episode as the dying gasp of an antiquated class of people fearful of what was almost certain to happen in any event.
阿斯费鲁斯事件无疑让黑格尔精神上多少有些紧张。他已然直接成为事件的“焦点”，引来了媒体铺天盖地的报道，这使他极为忧虑，因为这样的“焦点”让他迅速受到官方怀疑，被认为可能是“煽动分子”。更糟糕的是，在警方截获的信件中，提及他名字的正是他的学生，在这种背景下，此事很可能让本就有些过度狂热的官方对他产生猜忌。不仅如此，他自己的小舅子戈特利布·冯·图赫尔，因与阿斯费鲁斯有交情，也受到整个事件牵连，在一封信结尾写下这样一句话：“这血染的黎明究竟何时才会破晓？”黑格尔一如既往地正面应对这个问题，坚信这场喧闹至少没有直接威胁到他自己。实际上，他起初的态度看似只是对这段经历轻蔑地耸耸肩，因为在他看来，这就如同一个过时的阶级因畏惧那些无论如何都几乎必然会发生的事情而发出的垂死挣扎。
The Persecution of the “Demagogues”: Fries and de Wette
Marie Hegel, still not having fully recovered from the health problems related to her miscarriage at the end of 1817, traveled to the spa town of Neustadt on August i, 1819, in order to regain her health, taking the children with her (or at least Karl and Immanuel - Ludwig is not mentioned in Hegel’s letters to her during her absence from him, and it is unclear if he stayed at home in Berlin with Hegel at this point). Hegel used the month by himself to work intensively on his Philosophy of Right, finally joining Marie and the children on September i, 1819. They decided to catch a boat on the Oder River and make their way to the very fashionable island of Riigen in the Baltic Sea; there they could appropriately celebrate their wedding anniversary in their first year after the move to Berlin. The trip proved quite expensive - more than 238 Thalers — and it turned out to be one of those all-too-common family vacations that did not unfold quite as planned.At the first town on the Ode (Schwedt), Karl Hegel was so badly bitten by mosquitoes that he could not even open his eyes; when they finally got to Riigen, it stormed ferociously, and their departure from the island was delayed for a few days because of the terrible weather.'*^ But Hegel nonetheless retained fond memories of collecting shells with the boys on the beach. (The memories of the rainstorms on the Riigen vacation, however, lingered; when Hegel was later traveling, he would sometimes tell Marie in letters that it was raining as hard as it had done in Riigen.)'^* On September 23, Hegel returned to Berlin; Marie and the children stayed behind for a bit longer.
对“煽动分子”的迫害：弗里斯和德魏特
玛丽·黑格尔，1817 年底流产引发的健康问题仍未完全恢复，1819 年 4 月 1 日，她带着三个孩子（或者至少带着卡尔和伊曼努尔——路德维希在黑格尔在玛丽不在身边期间写给她的信中未被提及，不清楚此时他是否与黑格尔一同待在柏林家中）前往诺伊施塔特温泉小镇。黑格尔利用这独处的一个月时间，加班加点撰写他的《法哲学原理》专著，最终在 1819 年 9 月 1 日与玛丽和孩子们会合。黑格尔夫妇决定带着孩子从奥德河乘船前往波罗的海沿岸时髦的吕根岛，在那里他们正好可以庆祝移居柏林后第一年的结婚纪念日。这次旅行花费巨大——超过了 238 泰勒——但结果却与普通家庭度假并无二致，并未呈现出计划中的美好景象。在奥德河畔（施韦特）的第一个小镇，卡尔·黑格尔被蚊子叮咬得极为严重，眼睛都睁不开；当他们一家最终抵达吕根岛时，天公不作美，暴风雨肆虐，他们因恶劣天气被迫推迟几天才离开吕根岛。不过，黑格尔依然留下了和孩子们一起在海滩上捡贝壳的美好回忆。（然而，在吕根岛度假时遭遇的暴风雨一直留在他的记忆中；后来黑格尔在旅行途中，有时会在信中告诉玛丽雨下得像在吕根岛时那样大。）9 月 23 日，黑格尔回到柏林；玛丽和孩子们在黑格尔离开后又在吕根岛停留了一段时间。
