9 Heidelberg: Coming Into Focus
Family Life and the Move to Heidelberg
Leaving Bavaria: Complications
第9章 海德堡时期：成为焦点人物(1)
家庭生活与移居海德堡
离开巴伐利亚：心情复杂
Although hegel had long yearned for a university pro¬ fessorship and, in particular, for a place in Heidelberg - and it is clear that the possibility and desirability of such a position had long been discussed in the Hegel household - the final decision and the move to Heidelberg did not come easily. Hegel had settled down quite happily into family life and into a domestic routine in Nuremberg that seemed to suit him well, even if he was frustrated by the duties attached to his job as rector of the Gymnasium. (A brief glimpse of that routine in Nuremberg is revealed in his remark in a letter to his sister, Christiane, shortly before the move: “My children are fine. Every day Karl comes up to fetch me to eat, and usually remarks in the room in which you stayed: Auntie has left on a trip.”)* But the move to Heidelberg was something he had long awaited and for which he had long yearned, and it was not something therefore that he took lightly.
虽然黑格尔一直渴望大学教授职位，特别是渴望海德堡大学教职——这样一个职位的可能性和可取性显然一直是黑格尔全家人讨论的话题——最终决定和移居海德堡却来得并不容易。黑格尔安顿下来后显得非常愉快，看来好像他很适应纽伦堡时期的家庭生活和家庭日常工作，纵使他被高级中学校长工作所负有的责任弄得焦头烂额（从他快要移居海德堡前致妹妹克里斯蒂亚娜信中可略见他纽伦堡时期日常事务一斑：“孩子们很乖。每天卡尔缠着我要吃要喝，通常在我曾经住过的那个房间里喃喃自语：‘姑姑外出不在家。’”），但是，移居海德堡这件事，他经历了漫长的等待，他一直渴望移居海德堡，这件事他没有掉以轻心。
Hegel privately accepted the offer from Heidelberg in the summer of i8i6, but since he had not yet secured his formal release from the royal Bavarian service, he was not able to make any public announcement to that effect. Hegel was therefore both surprised and chagrined when the Bavarian government, complicating matters in its bumbling way, sud¬ denly authorized the university in Erlangen to appoint him to a position as director of the seminar of philology and professor of classical litera¬ ture (both Greek and Roman), along with a professorial chair in elo¬ quence, poetry, and in classical Greek and Roman literature, and even took the step of announcing the appointment in the official government newspaper on September 4, 1816. Since Hegel had been assuming that he was to begin teaching in Heidelberg near the end of October of that year, the news of his new appointment and the ensuing delay in securing his release was both anxiety-inducing and discomforting. Hegel had longed for eight years for that position and he had constantly badgered Niethammer about it; now it was just an embarrassment. Hegel quickly wrote to his friend and benefactor at Heidelberg, Paulus, to let him know that the newspaper announcement was not true, that he had certainly not accepted a position at Erlangen, and to ask him to inform any others at Heidelberg who might hear of the matter that the report was false and “to do so in my name.”^
黑格尔于1816年夏私下接受了海德堡大学的聘任，但是因为他还没有获得巴伐利亚皇家部门的正式解聘，所以他无法公开宣布投奔新东家海德堡。就在这时，巴伐利亚政府以拙劣的方式使事情变得复杂化，突然授权爱尔朗根大学任命他担任语文学研究班导师和古典文学（希腊文学和罗马文学）教授职位，连同修辞、诗歌和古希腊罗马文学主讲教授职位，甚至还在1816年9月4日通过正式的政府报纸第353号宣布这项任命。黑格尔因此既感到惊诧又感到愧疚。因为黑格尔一直计划在临近当年10月底时开始在海德堡执教，所以这个新任命的消息和接着发生的导致他延迟辞职的这两件事，使他焦虑不已，感到忐忑不安。黑格尔8年来一直渴望得到海德堡大学的职位，并不断向尼特哈默尔透露这个想法；眼下这件事恰恰使他非常尴尬。黑格尔随即致信当时在海德堡的友人兼赞助者保卢斯，告诉他报纸上报道的内容与事实不符，他确实没有接受爱尔朗根大学的职位，并拜托保卢斯告知海德堡其他可能听说此事的人，这则报道是虚假的，且是“以我的名义这样做的”。
The delay on the part of the Bavarian authorities to act on Hegel’s otherwise pro forma request for dismissal from Bavarian service -thus making his imminent move to Heidelberg a bit more stressful - certainly did nothing further to endear the Bavarians to Hegel, who had already clearly taken to detesting them and who desperately wanted to get out from under their governance.
巴伐利亚官员迟迟不对黑格尔以另外形式从巴伐利亚部门辞职的申请作出批复——这件事因此在他即将移居海德堡时加重了他的压力——当然并没有进一步让黑格尔对巴伐利亚官员产生好感，因为他早就觉得非常讨厌他们，极想摆脱他们的管辖。
Niethammer’s own recent experiences during the period immediately following the Congress of Vienna had only further heightened Hegel’s concerns. The government in Bavaria had begun both to backtrack on its commitment to full equality for Protestants in their kingdom and to overrule and censure Niethammer for his attempts to secure educational reform; the results left Niethammer disgusted and despondent over the future; congratulating Hegel on his new appointment (on Hegel’s “re¬ demption,” as he called it), Niethammer despairingly added, “The way things now seem, I am going to see everything that I have aimed at unravel before my eyes.”^ To drive the point home, Niethammer related to Hegel how constant rainstorms had marred a vacation he had taken but that at least the “Bavarianlessness {Bayerlosigkeity of the place made it nonetheless attractive.** In a letter to Paulus, Hegel himself railed against the “Bavariana” {Bavarica)" that he still had to endure before what he called his “damned discharge” from the Bavarian gov¬ ernment could be received.^ The final letter of discharge was dated October 7, 1816, only fourteen days before Hegel was to begin lecturing in Heidelberg.®
尼特哈默尔自己紧接着在维也纳会议后那段时间里的经历，只是进一步加剧了黑格尔的忧虑。巴伐利亚政府已经开始既放弃自己有义务使新教徒在他们王国中变得全面平等，也已开始否决和谴责尼特哈默尔保护教育改革的尝试；结果让尼特哈默尔对未来感到作呕和灰心丧气。在恭喜黑格尔获得新的任命（黑格尔得到“救赎”，像他称作的）后，尼特哈默尔绝望地补充道：“事情现在似乎到了这样的地步，我将看到我追求的一切都在我眼皮底下被毁掉了。”为充分说明这一点，尼特哈默尔向黑格尔诉说持续的暴风雨如何使他度过的假期大煞风景，但至少此地的“非巴伐利亚性”（Bayerlosigkeit）使此地依然是具有吸引力的。在写给保卢斯的信中，黑格尔本人抱怨他在可能从巴伐利亚政府收到的被他叫作的“该死的解聘书”前，仍然不得不忍受“巴伐利亚方言”（Bavarica）。解聘书终于在1816年10月7日发了下来，这距离黑格尔将开始在海德堡大学开课只有14天时间。
There was also the lingering issue of a possible offer from Berlin. Hegel’s remarks on the matter in his letters disclose what must have been an intense discussion in the Hegel household about which offer Hegel would accept if indeed the Berlin offer were to materialize. Hegel clearly wanted at least to keep open the matter of accepting the Berlin offer and probably even would have preferred to accept the Berlin offer, but it is clear that his wife, Marie, would simply have nothing of it. Marie Hegel was firmly opposed to any move to Berlin because it would take her too far away from her family and acquaintances in Nuremberg, and she made her feelings about this quite well known to Hegel. Hegel ruefully took it all in stride. He noted to Paulus on August 8, i8i6, that for Marie “the name of Berlin has a doubly discordant ring to it,” and he noted a few days later to Niethammer (on August ii, i8i6) that “as little as my wife wants to hear of it, the post [in Berlin] might perhaps even be the more excellent one - which it would be foolish to place behind Heidelberg.”^ A few days later (August 28, 1816), he claimed in a letter to Frommann that he was in fact happy to have been “spared the choice” of going to Berlin, since he had accepted Heidelberg’s offer before receiving the official offer from Berlin (but which by that time he had reasonable expectations of receiving), remarking to Frommann that “Berlin would of course have been very attractive for me in many respects,” but adding, “though not for my wife, who, after all, likewise has a voice in the matter.”* It is not hard to see that Hegel was a bit vexed with his wife’s refusal to cater to his aspirations, but at least at that time he was willing to go along with her stated wishes.
还存在着柏林大学聘请可能会延迟到来的问题。黑格尔在信中对这件事的谈论透露出想必黑格尔一家人对下列问题有过热烈的讨论：如果实际上柏林大学聘请也到了，那么黑格尔应该接受哪份邀请。黑格尔显然至少想要考虑接受柏林大学的邀请，甚至可能更愿意接受柏林大学的邀请，可是妻子玛丽显然可能对柏林大学这份邀请毫无兴趣。玛丽·黑格尔之所以坚决反对移居柏林，是因为这将会使她离纽伦堡的家人和熟人太远，她把自己对此的感受非常明确地告知黑格尔。黑格尔内心愧疚而表面平静地接受了这一切。他在1816年8月8日对保卢斯说道，对于玛丽，“柏林这个名字无疑听上去就极其刺耳”，他在几天后（1816年8月11日）向尼特哈默尔谈到：“我的妻子几乎一点也不想听到柏林，[柏林的]职位或许更好——首选海德堡也许是愚蠢之举。”数日后（1816年8月28日），他在致弗罗曼信中声称，他其实对“排除了”去柏林的“选择”感到很高兴，因为他在收到柏林正式邀请前（而那时他有理由期待收到柏林邀请）就已接受了海德堡的聘请，并对弗罗曼说：“当然，柏林可能在很多方面对我很有吸引力。”不过他补充道：“尽管当然，柏林也许对我妻子没有多大吸引力，而且她毕竟在选择去海德堡大学这个问题上同样具有发言权。”不难看出，黑格尔对妻子拒绝追随他的抱负有点感到苦恼，但是至少在那时他愿意按照她说出的愿望办事。
Ludwig Fischer Hegel Joins the Family
A good bit before Hegel left for Heidelberg, he and his wife had made another difficult decision. In a letter to Frommann on July 20, 1816, Hegel informed Frommann that “my wife and I are resolved to take Ludwig into our home.’”^ He was, of course, referring to his illegitimate son by Johanna Burkhardt in Jena, who until then had been living in the orphanage run by Frommann’s sister-in-law. The basis of the deci¬ sion was surely not financial; it was not as if only at that point could Hegel have afforded to bring Ludwig into the family, since the move to Heidelberg meant that Hegel was actually taking a slight reduction in income (especially if one calculated living expenses into the whole pack¬ age). One major reason surely had to do with the status of the von Tucher family in Nuremberg and the possible embarrassment that the arrival of Ludwig might have had for them in the town. But it is not clear just exactly who it was they felt would be embarrassed. On the one hand, it seems as if the von Tucher family as a whole was content, at least as long as Hegel was in Nuremberg, to let Hegel relieve himself of his obligations to young Ludwig by sending the orphanage money; but it also seems that there was no small number of rumors in Nurem¬ berg about Hegel’s little secret.It is also not clear just how much of a “secret” the whole thing was. Hegel and his wife clearly discussed Ludwig quite a bit. For example, in a letter to Frommann (December 20, 1815), Hegel mentions how Marie had intended to make something for Ludwig as a Christmas present but her miscarriage and precarious health had prevented her from doing so." In many letters to Frommann there are invocations to send greetings to Ludwig from Hegel and his wife, but there is never mention of doing anything more.
路德维希·菲舍尔·黑格尔成为黑格尔家成员
在黑格尔搬去海德堡之前很久，他和夫人就作出了另一艰难的决定。在1816年7月20日致弗罗曼信中，黑格尔告诉弗罗曼：“我的妻子和我决定接纳路德维希成为家庭成员。”黑格尔当然指的是自己与约翰娜·布克哈特在耶拿时生下的私生子，他直到那时一直住在弗罗曼小姨子办的孤儿院里。这个决定基于的肯定不是经济上的考虑；好像不只是在那时黑格尔才可能提出让路德维希进家，因为移居海德堡意味着黑格尔的收入实际上还有点减少（特别是如果把生活开支算到整个搬迁费中的话）。其中一个主要的原因无疑关系到冯·图赫尔一家人在纽伦堡的地位，以及路德维希的到来可能会使他们在镇上陷入尴尬的境地。然而，恰恰不清楚的是冯·图赫尔一家人觉得谁将会觉得处境尴尬。一方面，看来好像冯·图赫尔一家人大体上愿意，至少只要黑格尔在纽伦堡，就让黑格尔借寄钱给孤儿院来尽他对年幼的路德维希的抚养义务；不过，看来好像在纽伦堡还有不少关于黑格尔小秘密的传言。同样也不清楚整个事情的“秘密”成分有几何。黑格尔和妻子显然多次讨论路德维希的事情。举例来说，在（1815年12月20日）致弗罗曼信中，黑格尔提到玛丽如何打算为路德维希买些东西作为圣诞礼物，而由于她流产和健康状况不稳定，致使她没有做成这件事。在致弗罗曼的多封信中，黑格尔和妻子请弗罗曼代为送上对路德维希的祝福，但是从未提到代为做更多事情。
That all changed when Hegel accepted the position at Heidelberg. He seems to have decided almost immediately after accepting the offer that Ludwig was to become a part of the household, and his mother-inlaw, Susanna Maria von Tucher, quite enthusiastically announced that she had taken it on herself to procure Ludwig’s bed in Heidelberg. (Good beds were hard to come by in those days, so this was no small gesture.)" Since Ludwig was later to complain bitterly that his step¬ mother, Marie Hegel, treated him in a second-class way in comparison to her own children - and, as he put it, “I always lived in fear but never in love of my parents”" - it seems quite likely that Ludwig’s late arrival into the Hegel household was due to Marie Hegel’s objections to includ¬ ing Ludwig in the family. Perhaps she found herself overruled by both her husband and her own mother after the issue of the possible embar¬ rassment for the von Tucher family in Nuremberg became a moot point."
上述一切在黑格尔接受海德堡大学职位时全部发生了变化。他看来好像在接受职位后几乎迅速拿定主意：路德维希应该成为家庭成员，他的继母苏珊娜·玛丽·冯·图赫尔非常热情地宣布她已主动为路德维希在海德堡弄到了一张床。（上好的床在那个时代很难得到，所以买床是个大手笔。）因为，路德维希后来苦苦地抱怨道，与对待亲生子女相比，继母玛丽·黑格尔以二等公民方式对待他——并且，像他描述的，“我总是生活在恐惧中，而从未感受到父母的疼爱”，所以，现在看来很可能，路德维希很迟才成为黑格尔家人是由于玛丽·黑格尔反对他进家的缘故。也许在可能使纽伦堡图赫尔一家人处于尴尬境地这个问题在家中争论未决后，她发觉自己的意见遭到她丈夫和她自己母亲的否决。
Ludwig hnally joined the Hegel household in April 1817, about six months after Hegel moved to Heidelberg. It does seem clear that Lud¬ wig was immediately included in all the family activities; Marie would, for example, take him along on her trips to various spas, and Ludwig seems to have done well in school.But Ludwig had been raised in an orphanage without ever really knowing his father and mother, both of whom had abandoned him, and it is no surprise to find that he had developed some personal difficulties that were a bit abrasive in the context of the Hegel family; reflecting in 1825 on the final break be¬ tween Ludwig and the family (which clearly had been encouraged by the family itself), Johanna Frommann remarked, “To be sure, Louis has a stone instead of a heart.”''’
路德维希最终在1817年4月加入黑格尔家庭，此时黑格尔移居到海德堡大约已经6个月。确实，看似很清晰的是，很快在黑格尔家所有的活动中都可见到路德维希的身影；举例来说，玛丽总是会带上他去各种温泉疗养地旅行，路德维希看来在学校功课也很优秀。然而，路德维希自幼在孤儿院长大，不曾真正了解已经把他遗弃的生父生母的情况，因此，发觉他形成了某些人际交往障碍，这些障碍使他在黑格尔家庭环境中显得性格上有点粗暴，这是不足为奇的。在他1825年对路德维希与黑格尔家庭的最终决裂（这显然是这个家庭自身促成的）作出反思时，约翰娜·弗罗曼这样评论道：“毫无疑问，路易丝具有一块石头而非一颗心。”
Ludwig’s initial arrival in Heidelberg had a triumphal air to it; he had been picked up in Jena and brought to Heidelberg by no less a luminary than Heinrich Voss, the son of Johann Voss and himself a Heidelberg professor of classical philology; along the way they had visited Goethe, who wrote a charming entry in Ludwig’s diary. Hegel also noted at the time how happy he and his wife were with Ludwig and how well schooled he seemed to be. It seems that shortly after his arrival, Hegel informed Ludwig about his mother’s death in the inter¬ vening years, which as Hegel noted to Frommann, “seemed to have affected him more than me,” adding, “my heart had long ago finished with her.”” (Hegel had also expressed a bit of relief at this news, since, as he noted, he had feared a possibly unpleasant scene between Johanna Burkhardt and his wife if Ms. Burkhardt were ever to make contact with him.)'* Ludwig is mentioned (approvingly) in many letters by Marie’s mother to her, but in a letter to Hegel himself - in which Hegel’s mother-in-law recounted at secondhand (in December 1817) Marie’s sister’s (Sofie Marie Friederike’s) recollections of her stay with Hegel and Marie in Heidelberg - Ludwig is conspicuously not men¬ tioned, although Karl and Immanuel are described affectionately, a pattern that is maintained in a variety of letters for the next few years.'"'
路德维希初到海德堡时有一种胜利的气氛。他在耶拿乘坐名人海因里希·福斯的车到达海德堡，海因里希·福斯是约翰·福斯之子，他自己任海德堡大学古典语文学教授。来海德堡途中，他们顺道拜访了歌德，路德维希把这段令人高兴的经历写进了日记。黑格尔也指出过，那时他和妻子跟路德维希相处得多么愉快，以及路德维希看来多么有教养。事情好像是这样，在路德维希到达后不久，黑格尔告知路德维希他的生母在多年前就已去世的消息。这件事，像黑格尔向弗罗曼说的，“看来好像对他的影响胜过对我的影响”，黑格尔补充道：“我很久以前就对她没有感情了。”（黑格尔也因这个消息表现出些许解脱感，因为，像他说的，他一直担心在约翰娜·布克哈特与他妻子之间很可能会出现不愉快的场面，如果布克哈特女士总是与他保持联系的话。）路德维希在玛丽母亲致玛丽的很多信中常常被（以赞许口吻）提及，但在玛丽母亲致黑格尔本人的一封信中——在这封信里，黑格尔岳母转述了（1817年12月）玛丽妹妹（索菲·玛丽·弗里德里克）对与黑格尔和玛丽待在海德堡的回忆——路德维希显然没有被提到。尼古拉和伊曼努尔被以亲切的口吻加以述说，这种情况在接下来几年很多信件中都一直保持如此。
That there were problems in integrating Ludwig into the family is hardly surprising. The difficulties inherent in the situation are familiar: Having been abandoned by both parents at an early age, Ludwig almost certainly had his share of personal and psychological difficulties, and the Hegel family had trouble dealing with him; moreover, there were the usual problems of the time associated with the relations between stepchildren and stepmothers. Even Hegel himself seems to have taken in Ludwig more out of a sense of personal responsibility than out of any deep sentiment for the boy. The result was unfortunately none too happy for all concerned, especially for Ludwig himself. Ludwig seems to have been treated more or less as a foster child, not as one of the “real sons” in the Hegel family.
有些问题使路德维希不能融入这个家庭，这几乎不会使人感到惊讶。这种情形下的固有困难是大家熟知的：由于幼时遭双亲遗弃，路德维希几乎肯定有着人际交往障碍和心理障碍，而黑格尔一家不知道如何与他相处；尚不止于此，还有那时常见的与继子与继母之间的关系有关的问题。甚至就连黑格尔自己看来也是出于个人责任感而非出于对路德维希深厚的情感才接纳这个男孩。令人遗憾的是，结果是所有的相关的人，特别是路德维希自己，都很不开心。路德维希看来好像或多或少被当作养子对待，而非被当作黑格尔家中的“亲生儿子”对待。
The stresses of the move to Heidelberg also served to delay Ludwig’s own arrival in Heidelberg. One of the reasons for Ludwig’s delayed arrival had to do with Marie Hegel’s recuperation from another miscar¬ riage. It was not clear where they were going to be living until more or less at the last instant Paulus secured an apartment for the Hegel family, a place in the suburbs of the city — although the site today is more or less squarely in the center of the city - with a good view of the mountains, a pastoral view of the landlord’s “large farm,” around which there were “cows, horses, and the barn” and fields of wheat.-" Paulus also secured a couple of maids for the Hegel household, since Marie Hegel was expecting another child (which, according to her note in the margin of one of Hegel’s letters to Paulus on September 16, 1816, was due in January or February of 1817).^’ Besides that, there were the usual stresses and strains accompanying any family’s moving - Hegel even complained that “I have pointed out a hundred times to my wife how everything on my side has already been made ready, while she for her part has put the fly in the ointment.” Matters then became even worse when Marie Hegel suffered another miscarriage (because, according to Hegel, she was “exhausted by the strain of packing”).Although she recovered well enough, it clearly prevented her from accompanying Hegel to Heidelberg, and thus he had to leave without her. Marie’s need to remain in Nuremberg and her recovery meant that Ludwig’s reception into the family had to be postponed.
移居海德堡的压力同样也导致路德维希自己迟迟才抵达海德堡。路德维希延期到达的原因之一与玛丽·黑格尔从另一次流产中复原有关。他们不清楚将去哪里居住，大约直到最后一刻，保卢斯才在海德堡市郊的树林中为黑格尔家找到一套公寓——而这个地点在今天大约就是在市中心——从公寓可以远望远山，欣赏地主“大农场”的田园风光，农场附近有“牛、马、谷仓”和麦田。保卢斯还为黑格尔家雇佣了两个女佣人，因为玛丽·黑格尔正怀着另一个孩子（她的预产期，按照她在黑格尔1816年9月16日致保卢斯信页边空白处写下的附言，大约会在1817年1月或2月）。除此之外，还有伴随着搬家而带来的通常的压力和紧张——黑格尔甚至还抱怨道：“我已经对我的妻子说破嘴皮了，我这边一切如何已经准备就绪，而她自己那边却赶不上趟。”有些事情接着变得更加糟糕，此时玛丽·黑格尔再度遭受流产的痛苦（因为，照黑格尔说，她“由于紧张地收拾东西而累得筋疲力尽”）。尽管她恢复得很好，这次流产显然还是使她无法随同黑格尔一起去海德堡，因此他不得不留下妻子自己先离开。玛丽需要依旧待在纽伦堡养身体，这就意味着路德维希被黑格尔家接纳这件事不得不被推后。
Hegel arrived alone in Heidelberg on October 19, 1816, nine days before his inaugural lecture. Thrilled finally to be a professor at a university and fairly content with his surroundings, he was nonetheless quite distressed about having to be away from his family. He began writing his wife letters every day remarking on his loneliness and on how especially with the onset of winter he missed seeing her and the children. Mrs. Paulus, an old friend who always joked with Hegel, played cards with him and in general saw to it that he did not fall into complete despondency.^^ But despite his initial loneliness, Hegel was satisfied with his Heidelberg surroundings; he remarked in his letters to his wife how much he liked, for example, the lack of pretentiousness in Heidelberg social life and how family-oriented the place seemed to be.^"*
黑格尔1816年10月19日独自抵达海德堡，此时距离他的就职演讲还有9天。尽管最终当上大学教授非常兴奋且对周围环境相当满意，他仍然对不得不离开家人感到非常忧伤。他开始时每天都写信给妻子，诉说他的孤单，以及在严冬时他是多么想念她和孩子。保卢斯夫人，一位经常同黑格尔开玩笑的老友，陪他玩牌且总是努力使他不至于变得意志消沉。但是，尽管他最初很孤单，黑格尔仍然对海德堡的环境感到非常满意。例如，他在致妻子的信中说道，他多么喜欢海德堡社会生活中没有装腔作势，这个地方看来是多么重视家庭。
Marie’s Sister and Brother in Heidelberg
Not only did Marie and the two sons (and a short time later, Ludwig) soon join Hegel in Heidelberg, Marie’s sixteen-year-old sister, Sofie Marie Friederike von Tucher - whose nickname in the family was “Fritz” - joined them as well. The whole group probably arrived some time in the first or second week of November, since Marie’s mother (who accompanied Marie, the two sons, and Fritz) from Heidelberg herself returned to Nuremberg on November i8, i8i6.^^ (Ludwig came in April, 1817.) Fritz stayed with Hegel and Marie until October 3, 1817, at which point Marie’s younger brother, Christoph Karl Gottlieb Sigmund Freiherr von Tucher (who was nineteen at the time), came to live with them while studying at Heidelberg, where he attended Hegel’s lectures. If Hegel at first felt lonely in Heidelberg, that feeling soon vanished; within a very short period, his house was full of family members.
玛丽在海德堡的妹妹和弟弟
不仅玛丽和两个儿子（以及不久后的路德维希）将很快与黑格尔在海德堡会合，而且玛丽16岁的妹妹索菲·玛丽·弗里德里克·冯·图赫尔——她在家中的昵称是“弗里茨”——也将加入他们。这支队伍很可能将在11月的第一周或第二周的某个时间到达，因为玛丽的母亲（她陪同玛丽、玛丽的两个儿子和弗里茨）将在1816年11月18日从海德堡返回纽伦堡。（路德维希将在1817年4月过来。）弗里茨将与黑格尔和玛丽一直住到1817年10月3日，到那时玛丽的弟弟克里斯托夫·卡尔·戈特利布·西格蒙德·弗赖赫尔·冯·图赫尔（他当时19岁）将前来与他们住在一起，并在海德堡学习。他在海德堡听了黑格尔的讲课。如果黑格尔起初在海德堡觉得孤单的话，那么这样的感觉不久便消失得无影无踪；在很短时间后，他的房屋中就住满了家庭成员。
Hegel’s role as the titular head of Marie’s family continued in Hei¬ delberg. He ended up having to take his (then seventeen-year-old) sister-in-law Fritz to several balls during the Fasching (carnival) season and accompanied her to several other balls afterwards and even on a trip to Mannheim for a ball there. (There is no record anywhere that Hegel resented accompanying the pretty young Fritz to any of these affairs, even if during the entire ball he had nothing other to do than to sit in a chair on the sidelines as a chaperone. Marie’s mother was extremely grateful to him for performing this task - “it was no small sacrifice for Hegel to sit during the entire ball on account of Fritz,” Marie’s mother told her.)^® Moreover, after Julius Niethammer (Imman¬ uel Niethammer’s son, who was Fritz’s age) made some romantic over¬ tures to Fritz, Hegel was forced to intervene in the matter after some rather agitated letters from his mother-in-law about the affair. (She was not amused by Julius’s somewhat cavalier attitude toward romance, since he was clearly too young and unestablished in the world to be in a position to propose marriage. This was, moreover, not the first time that Hegel had had to intervene with Julius on account of Fritz; earlier in Nuremberg, he had been called in to chide young Julius for his bad behavior in not having asked Fritz to dance during a ball there; a couple of years later he was having to chide Julius for showing too much interest in her.)^’ Hegel also had to turn away an unnamed but persist¬ ent suitor who wished to propose marriage to Fritz.
黑格尔在海德堡继续担任作为玛丽一家人名义家长的角色。他最终硬着头皮带着（时年17岁的）小姨子弗里茨去参加Fasching（狂欢节）期间的多场舞会，之后还陪同她去参加其他几场舞会，甚至在去曼海姆旅行期间还陪同她参加舞会。（黑格尔是否情愿陪着年轻可爱的弗里茨去参加这些舞会，甚至是否整场舞会中他除了作为陪伴者坐在舞池旁边的椅子上之外根本就没有做什么其他的事情，黑格尔在这方面没有留下只言片语。玛丽的母亲对黑格尔完成这个任务表示十分感激——“黑格尔为了弗里茨在整场舞会中都干坐在那里作出了很大的牺牲”，玛丽的母亲告诉玛丽。）不仅如此，在尤利乌斯·尼特哈默尔（伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔的儿子，与弗里茨同龄）多次以浪漫方式向弗里茨示爱后，黑格尔在接到岳母数封对此事相当焦虑不安的信件后被迫介入这件事情。（她被尤利乌斯稍带殷勤的浪漫示爱态度弄得很不开心，因为他显然太年轻还没有成家立业，以至于没有资格谈婚论嫁。再说这不是黑格尔第一次为了弗里茨而不得不出面干涉尤利乌斯的求爱；早在纽伦堡时，他就被叫来斥责年轻的尤利乌斯在舞会上没有邀请弗里茨跳舞这一恶劣行为；数年后，他将不得不因尤利乌斯黏上了弗里茨而斥责他。）黑格尔还不得不打发一位不愿透露姓名的死心塌地的求婚者，此人一厢情愿地提出要和弗里茨结婚。
He was also entrusted with looking after Marie’s brother (addressed as “Gottlieb” in the family). Gottlieb came to stay with the Hegels immediately on Fritz’s departure. He had been a student at the Gym¬ nasium in Nuremberg for which Hegel was the rector, and, having lost his father at fifteen, looked up to his sister’s husband for advice (some- thing supported and encouraged by his mother). His mother had be¬ come particularly worried about him after his graduation from the Gymnasiufn and his initial studies in Erlangen, where she felt he had become “far too modern” for her tastes (as she put it in a letter to Marie on December 4, 1816).^* In her view, he was also becoming far too involved with “modern” political developments in Erlangen. (She was completely correct about his involvement.) Because of this, Gott¬ lieb’s mother decided it would be better if Gottlieb were to study in Heidelberg and live with his sister and brother-in-law; Hegel’s motherin-law also made it clear that it would be appreciated if he were to instill some order and discipline into Gottlieb and if Hegel were to provide “male direction” for Gottlieb and receive him in a “fatherly” way.^’ Hegel did this, and it is clear that he and Gottlieb established a good relationship; Gottlieb even attended Hegel’s lectures, and Hegel gave him a personally autographed copy of the Phenomenolog}!. Hegel in fact even intervened with his mother-in-law to permit Gottlieb to attend some political meetings that she had originally wished to prevent him from attending.
他同时也受托照顾玛丽的弟弟（在家里被称作“戈特利布”）。弗里茨一离开，戈特利布就立马搬来与黑格尔一家住在一起。他曾是黑格尔任校长的纽伦堡高级中学的学生，并且，在他15岁时丧父后，非常尊敬他姐夫的建议（某种得到他母亲支持和鼓励的建议）。他的母亲，在他高级中学毕业后，在他开始在埃尔兰根大学学习时，整天为他提心吊胆，因为母亲觉得相对她自己的品位来说，他在埃尔兰根已变得“过于现代派”（像她在1816年12月4日致玛丽信中写道的一样）。在她看来，他还越来越太过受到埃尔兰根“现代”政治发展的影响。（她对他涉足政治作出了完全正确的判断。）因此，戈特利布的母亲断定，如果戈特利布将去海德堡学习并同姐姐姐夫住在一起，这将会是更好的选择。黑格尔的岳母同样也明确表示，如果黑格尔能够给戈特利布灌输一些秩序和纪律的思想，如果黑格尔提供给戈特利布“男性的指导”且以“父亲般的”方式对待他，这将会令她不胜感激。黑格尔这样做了，很显然他和戈特利布之间建立了一种良好的关系；戈特利布甚至还去听黑格尔讲课，黑格尔送给他一本亲笔签名的《精神现象学》。黑格尔其实甚至还做岳母的工作，使她允许戈特利布参加一些她原本希望不让他参加的政治集会。
Hegel and his wife took numerous boat trips up and down the Rhine, took excursions to some of the pretty towns in the region around Heidelberg (such as Schwetzingen, with its lovely castle gardens), and in general seemed fully to enjoy their surroundings and their new life. His adoring mother-in-law continued to send him his favorite Nurem¬ berg delicacies (the local bratwurst, Lebkuchen^ and other such treats) as gifts. It is clear that Hegel both identified with his new role as paterfa¬ milias and found it quite satisfying indeed.^”
黑格尔和妻子多次乘船往返于莱茵河旅游，游览了海德堡周边地区的一些美丽小镇（例如有着可爱的城堡花园的施韦青根），总体上看来好像尽情享受他们俩周围的环境和新的生活。敬爱的岳母陆续给他寄来他最喜爱吃的纽伦堡美食（当地的德国式小香肠、胡椒蜂蜜饼和其他这样的美味佳肴）作为礼物。很显然，黑格尔既认同他自己作为家长的新角色，也确实发觉这个角色让他非常得意。
The New Universities in the Post-Napoleonic Order
Heidelberg University
后拿破仑一世时期秩序下的新大学
海德堡大学
Although Hegel found himself quite satisfied with his surroundings in Heidelberg, he was nonetheless a bit taken aback by an initial lack of enthusiasm for his courses on the part of the students. In a letter to his wife (October 29, 1816) he complained that at one session he only had four students; he also noted that he had been led to understand that the altogether practical-minded students at Heidelberg required at least a half year to warm up to new and unknown professors. Students were required to pay lecture fees directly to the professor giving the lectures, and for many professors such fees amounted to substantial and some¬ times even essential additions to their incomes. Hegel’s concern for his lack of students was thus not merely a matter of vanity of his part, since a lack of students quickly translated into a lower standard of living.
尽管黑格尔发觉自己对他所处的海德堡环境感到相当满意，他仍然因学生们最初对他的课热情不高而感到有点震惊。在（1816年10月29日）致妻子的信中，他抱怨道，这个学期选他课的只有4名学生；他还指出，现实已经使他明白，海德堡大学的学生满脑子充满实用主义思想，至少要用半学年才能对新来的陌生教授热心起来。学生被要求直接把听课费付给讲课的教授，对很多教授来说，这样的费用等于是他们收入的主要来源，有时甚至等于是他们收入的必不可少的补充。黑格尔对缺乏学生选课的关心因此不仅仅涉及他虚荣心本身的问题，因为学生选课人数少会迅速降低生活水准。
Although this lack of students quickly changed - in one class on the Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences he soon came to have twenty students, in another class on the History of Philosophy he had thirty students, and in his lectures on Metaphysics and Logic, he had seventy students'*' - Hegel was still at first probably a bit surprised to find Heidelberg to be not quite what he had most likely been expecting. He had been expecting or at least hoping for Heidelberg to be another Jena (with the exception, of course, that this time he would be adequately paid). In 1805, for example, in his letter to Johann Heinrich Voss seeking his help for a position at Heidelberg, Hegel claimed that the spirit of Jena, with which Hegel had so much identified, had moved to Heidelberg and taken root there and that he wished to join the migration of the spirit of Jena to Heidelberg.-*^
尽管选黑格尔课的学生少的局面很快得到改变——很快就有20位学生选他“哲学科学全书纲要”这门课，30位学生选他另外的“哲学史”这门课，70位学生选他“形而上学与逻辑学”这门课——黑格尔起初仍然很可能有点惊奇地发觉海德堡与他一直以来期待中的海德堡大相径庭。他一直期待或至少希望海德堡会是另一个耶拿（他当然还期望这一次他自己应该领取丰厚的薪水）。举例来说，1805年，在致约翰·海因里希·福斯的信中（向其寻求帮助在海德堡谋得职位），黑格尔声称，他自己非常认同的耶拿精神已经转移到海德堡并在海德堡生根开花，他希望会同那些具有耶拿精神的人们一起投奔海德堡。
That Heidelberg should have had any claim to being the new Jena was almost as surprising as Jena’s claim to have been the intellectual and cultural center it once was. The university at Heidelberg had been a particularly antiquated and unimportant site of orthodoxy during the eighteenth century. However, in the 1803 shakeup of Germany at the hands of Napoleon, the area in which Heidelberg was situated fell out of the hands of the Palatinate and the Bavarian Wittelsbachs and into the hands of the Badenese royal family, who proceeded to order a complete reorganization of the university in the same year. As Jena’s star began to sink in the early 1800s, Heidelberg (along with the newly reorganized university in Halle) stepped in to fill the role in German intellectual life that the university in Jena had begun to play, and it quickly became known as a center for the kind of Romanticism that had been born in Jena but which had then fled it. Major events in the development of Romanticism - such as Arnim’s and Brentano’s collec¬ tion of German folk songs, Des Knaben Wunderhorn — took place at the university in Heidelberg during this period. The university itself thus made a claim to being the successor to the Jena ideal of a university that was to present a unified body of modern knowledge - with philosophy as the faculty that was to integrate the other bodies of knowledge - and to train a new post-Napoleonic modern elite of young men of Bildung who were to run the central institutions of the modern world. Heidel¬ berg had even gone so far as to reorganize the whole conception of the various “faculties” of the university into “sections,” thus indicating its modernity in an even more striking way.^^
海德堡理应声称成为新的耶拿，而耶拿声称自己已变成一度成为的学术和文化重镇，这两种声称几乎同样令人称奇。海德堡大学在18世纪始终是一所特别保守的、无足轻重的、相当正统的大学。不过，由于1803年拿破仑一手导致的德国巨变，使得海德堡所在的这个区域不再受法尔茨家族和巴伐利亚维特尔斯巴赫家族的统治，而沦为巴登王室的统治（巴登王室当年下诏对海德堡大学进行全面重组）。当明星级的耶拿大学在19世纪早期开始走下坡路的时候，海德堡大学（连同新重组的哈勒大学）开始全面担当起耶拿大学早就开始担当过的德国学术生活重任，并迅速成为著名的诞生于耶拿但之后逃离耶拿的那种浪漫主义的中心。浪漫主义发展过程中的重大事件——例如阿尼姆和布伦塔诺的德意志民间歌集《少年魔角》——都发生在这个阶段的海德堡大学里。海德堡大学因此宣称自己是耶拿大学理想的继承者，这个理想就是大学应该提供现代知识的统一体——哲学作为一个学科应该与其他知识体系融为一体——并且就是大学应该培养一种后拿破仑一世时期的有教养的新的现代青年精英，他们必将掌管现代世界的核心社会机构。海德堡甚至还高瞻远瞩地改变了人们认为大学应该使各种不同“系科”变为“部门”的整个设想，从而以更引人注目的方式显示出海德堡大学的现代性。
From being an insignificant backwater university that had only about forty students at the turn of the century, the reorganized Heidelberg had by 1808 grown into a major center of intellectual life attended by more than four hundred students. (Three-quarters of those students were studying law or cameralistics, itself an indication of the kind of practically oriented student who tended to go to Heidelberg, But the tension between the Romantics at Heidelberg and the career-oriented, practical-minded students was to prove too much, and, just as they had done at Jena, the Romantics began to desert Heidelberg for what they hoped would be more hospitable surroundings. By the time Hegel finally arrived in Heidelberg, the spirit of Jena, which he had hoped to find there, had in fact long since departed; philosophy and the neo¬ humanism that had developed at Jena (and with which he and Niethammer had hoped to reform the Bavarian school system) had not yet found a secure footing in the kingdom of Baden. Indeed, by 1817, it was becoming clear to all those surveying the scene that the spirit of Jena was best represented by the university in Berlin, not by the one in Heidelberg - but Hegel’s wife, Marie, had ruled out a move to Berlin. Just as had happened at Jena, Hegel arrived on the scene as the scene itself was beginning to shift.
从一所在世纪之交只有大约40名学生的无足轻重的死气沉沉的大学，到1808年重组后的海德堡大学已经发展成一个拥有400多名在校生的德国主要的学术中心。（这些学生中有3/4学习法律或财政学，这本身表明这类具有实用想法的学生倾向于到海德堡大学就读。）然而，海德堡浪漫派作家与那些以职业为导向的具有实用想法的学生之间的紧张关系将被证明是非常严重的。正像在耶拿时一样，浪漫派作家着手放弃海德堡，去寻求他们希望的更适宜的环境。至黑格尔最终抵达海德堡时，那早就被他希望在海德堡找到的耶拿精神实际上早已不复存在了；那早在耶拿就已发展起来的（早就被他和尼特哈默尔希望用以改革巴伐利亚学校体系的）哲学和新人文主义还没有在巴登王国站稳脚跟。实际上，到1817年，日益明朗的是，在所有观察家看来，最能代表耶拿精神的是柏林大学而非海德堡大学——可是黑格尔的妻子玛丽已经不考虑移居柏林。正像早在耶拿发生过的，黑格尔到达海德堡大学时，该大学已经逐渐失去德国学术中心的地位。
Nonetheless, there were many features of Heidelberg that fitted He¬ gel’s idea of what a modern university that built upon the model of Jena would look like. It was oriented around the idea of Bildung, of training young men for the leading roles in modern life by inculcating a sense of self-direction, culture, and education; and it was a post-Enlightenment university in its dedication to Wissenschaft, “science,” and not just the “learnedness” (Gelehrsamkeit) that had characterized so many Enlight¬ enment universities. The older model of the professor as a “learned” individual who had within his grasp a great body of codified (and ossified) knowledge had become an object of scorn throughout Europe by 1800, especially to the generation to which Hegel belonged. Likewise, the emphasis on publication as a mark of a professor’s “learnedness” that had emerged at the end of the eighteenth century had in the neo- humanists’ view only led to professors’ publishing large compendia of old knowledge - collections of, as it were, everything that had been known about a particular field, with very little original research or thought going into them. This was viewed only with the greatest scorn by the new generation of reformers; not pedantic compendia and com¬ pilations of what others had already said but new knowledge, Wissenschaft, with its emphasis on dynamism and discovery and on the order¬ ing and relating of these pieces of knowledge to each other in the context of lectures and seminars, became the watchword of the reformers.
不过，海德堡有很多符合黑格尔以下想法的特色：一所基于耶拿模式建立的现代大学应该看起来像何种模样。现代大学以教化的理念为导向，以借助传授自我指导意识、文化和教育来培养年轻人在现代生活中挑大梁的思想为导向；现代大学是一种后启蒙时代的大学，致力于“Wissenschaft”（“科学”）而不只是致力于那早已成了很多启蒙运动时代大学特征的“Gelehrsamkeit”（“学问”）。旧式的教授是“有学问”的人，掌握大量法典化的（僵化的）知识，这样的教授到1800年已经在整个欧洲成了受嘲笑的对象，特别是对于黑格尔这代人来说更是如此。同样，强调著书立说标志着教授的“学问”，早在18世纪末期就已蔚然成风，这在新人文主义者看来只不过已经致使教授们大肆发表旧知识的概要——可以说是关于某个具体领域的众所周知的东西的汇集，其中几乎没有多少原创性的研究或几乎没有增添什么思想。这只会被新生代改革者报之以极大的嘲弄；不应该对他人早已说过的东西进行学究式的概述和编辑，而应该对新的知识或科学进行整理和编辑，在课堂和研讨会上强调新的知识或科学在于推动力和发明创造，在于这些知识彼此有条不紊地相互贯通，所有这些都成了改革者打出的口号。
