6 Life in Transition: From Jena to Bamberg
Hegel’s Life Unravels
第6章 生活的转折：从耶拿到纽伦堡时期(1)
黑格尔颇多不顺
As HEGEL WAS WORKING on the Phenomenology^ his situation at Jena was becoming more and more tenuous. His inheritance was rapidly running out, and his position at Jena did not pay him a salary. When another Privatdozent at Jena, J. F. Fries, was promoted to “extraordinary professor,” Hegel found himself particularly incensed. There was certainly no love lost between Hegel and Fries; both Fries’s comments about Hegel in his letters to friends and Hegel’s comments on Fries are equally nasty. Fries represented what to Hegel was a shallow and wrongheaded way to continue the Kantian revolution, namely, through a kind of psychologistic study of the ways in which the mind synthesized ideas (a strategy Hegel thought he had laid to rest in “Faith and Knowledge”). Fries, who had been raised in a famous Pietist community and continued to have warm contacts with it, also professed a “religion of the heart” that Hegel held in even lower regard. Moreover, and perhaps most importantly. Fries was an outspoken public and private critic of the whole line of thought that ran from Fichte to Schelling, did little to conceal his opinion that the whole movement especially that represented by Schelling - was not just mistaken but was outright patent nonsense, and was professionally at first more successful than Hegel. As a Privatdozent at Jena, Fries was also a direct competitor with Hegel for students - Fries also lectured on “natural right” and on “logic and metaphysics,” and he was just as ambitious as Hegel. The two men, moreover, belonged to very different circles of friends in Jena; indeed, the lists of those whom the two regarded as friends overlap in only a few places. Fries, for example, had never met Goethe, whom Hegel had come to know and whose friendship he cultivated, and he had never met Schiller.
当黑格尔在撰写《精神现象学》的时候，他在耶拿的处境正在变得越来越艰难。他继承的遗产很快就要花光了，而他在耶拿大学的职位不支付给他薪水。当耶拿大学另一位无俸讲师J.G.弗里斯被提升为“特聘教授”的时候，黑格尔发觉自己感到特别恼火。黑格尔与弗里斯之间当然交恶；弗里斯在致朋友信中评价黑格尔时和黑格尔评价弗里斯时都是恶语相加。弗里斯把黑格尔描述成是一个以浅薄而固执的方式继续进行康德哲学革命的人，也即一个依靠对心灵借以综合观念的方式进行某种心理学研究（某种被黑格尔认为他本人早已提出的基于“信仰与知识”的策略）从而继续进行康德哲学革命的人。弗里斯早已被一个著名的虔诚派团体捧起来且继续与这个团体保持着密切联系，同样也讲授一门被黑格尔认为完全看不上眼的“心灵的宗教”课程。尚不止于此，或许最重要的是，弗里斯公开和私下里坦率地批评从费希特到谢林的整个思想发展脉络，他很少掩饰他的意见，即整个后康德哲学运动——特别是由谢林代表的运动——不仅是错误的，而且显然纯属废话一通。而弗里斯起初在业务上比黑格尔更为成功。身为耶拿无俸讲师，弗里斯同样也是与黑格尔在吸引学生听课方面的直接竞争对手——弗里斯也讲授“自然法”和“逻辑与形而上学”这两门课程，他恰恰如黑格尔一样有雄心壮志。再者，这两个人在耶拿属于两个截然不同的朋友圈；更确切地说，他们两人当作朋友看待的那些人的名单中只有几个是重叠的。举例来说，弗里斯与歌德不相识，歌德早就为黑格尔所认识且黑格尔与歌德结下了情谊，而弗里斯和席勒也不相识。
Fries’s animosity to the line of post-Kantian idealism of which Hegel was part became all the more evident in 1803 with the publication of his book Reinhold, Fichte und Schelling. The book was a highly polemical tract against what Fries saw as the rubbish put forth by Jena’s postKantian idealists, against which Fries propounded his own anthropologized and psychologized Kantian view: “Our reason,” Fries said, “is an excitability, which only through particular stimulations or affections can be determined to be expressions of life {Lebensdufierungen)\ its expressions are knowledge.”' In 1803, Fries even went so far as to publish an anonymous satirical piece - although everybody knew who the author was - called, in a play on a title by Fichte, Sonnenklarer Beweis, dafi in Prof. Schelling’s Naturphilosophie nur die von Hofrath Voigt in Jena schon Idngst vorgetragenen Grundsdtze der Physik wiederholt werde, ein Neujahrsgeschenk fur Freunde der Naturkunde (“A Crystal Clear Demonstration that in Prof Schelling’s Philosophy of Nature Only the Principles of Physics that Have Already Been Long Since Presented by Privy Councilor Voigt in Jena Are Repeated, a New Year’s Gift for Friends of Natural History”) - in which he accused Schelling of more or less plagiarizing some lectures given by Voigt in 1793.^
弗里斯对黑格尔哲学作为其中一部分的后康德唯心主义理路的仇恨，在他1803年发表的《莱茵霍尔德、费希特和谢林》这部著作中变得更加明显。该书是一本极具争辩性的小册 子，它反对的是弗里斯所视为的由耶拿后康德唯心主义者提出的垃圾，同时也反对弗里斯所提出的他自己的被人类学化和被心理学化的康德哲学观点：“我们的理性”，弗里斯说道，“意味着易激动性，理性只有通过特殊刺激或感情才能被确定为生活的表达（Lebensausdruck）；理性的表达是知识。”在1803年，弗里斯甚至还非常冒失地发表了一本匿名的、具有讽刺意味的小册子——尽管每个人都知道作者是谁——利用费希特的书名把这本小册子叫作《一个极其清晰的证明：在谢林教授的自然哲学中，仅有的某些物理学原理很久以前就已被耶拿枢密院顾问福格特作了描述，这些物理学原理现在被重复说成是送给自然史朋友的新年礼物》。在这本小册子中，他指责谢林或多或少抄袭了福格特1793年所做的某些讲座内容。除了在耶拿吸引学生听课方面成了黑格尔的竞争对手之外，弗里斯还迅速变成黑格尔所渴望的其他大学空缺职位的竞争对手。弗里斯和黑格尔两人都紧盯着新近实行过改革的维尔茨堡大学的职位，黑格尔可能因弗里斯在维尔茨堡大学很有人脉而特别感到如坐针毡。唯理论者、启蒙运动新教神学家H.E.G.保卢斯——早已成为黑格尔的朋友之一，早已跟谢林同时从耶拿移居维尔茨堡的保卢斯——从未特别喜欢过谢林，早在维尔茨堡时就已开始毫不掩饰地对谢林不屑一顾。保卢斯是弗里斯和黑格尔唯一的共同朋友，但是，对黑格尔来说令人遗憾的是，保卢斯对谢林和谢林哲学的厌恶导致保卢斯致信弗里斯，在信中告诉弗里斯，他保卢斯在试图为弗里斯在维尔茨堡找个职位，以便让“康德哲学”牵制可能被保卢斯仅仅看作的谢林哲学在那里扎根的愚蠢的东西。因黑格尔与谢林的友情而黑格尔这位明星开始星光暗淡，因保卢斯与弗里斯的友情而保卢斯这位明星开始星光灿烂，因此两相比较实际上使人确信黑格尔不会在维尔茨堡谋得职位。令黑格尔非常痛苦的是，这个唯一他有朋友且可能有望在求职过程中获得某些帮助的地方因而被证明是一个他自己的熟人之一将要使某人获得提升的地方。保卢斯的想法可能只被黑格尔嘲弄式地看待，某人因指责和嘲笑黑格尔扎进很多思路而引起公众舆论关注。尚不止于此，弗里斯正在阻挠黑格尔出版著作，他自己不但出版了《莱茵霍尔德、费希特和谢林》，而且在1803年还出版了法哲学第一卷（《法哲学论与对所有实定立法的批判》）。由于上述这些复杂因素，黑格尔与弗里斯彼此之间余生积怨很深。
In addition to being a competitor with Hegel for students at Jena, Fries also rapidly became a competitor for the scarce positions at other universities for which Hegel longed. Both Fries and Hegel had their eyes on a position at the newly reformed university of Wurzburg, and Hegel was to be particularly stung by Fries’s connections there. The rationalist Enlightenment Protestant theologian, H. E. G. Paulus, who had been one of Hegel’s friends and who had moved from Jena to Wurzburg at the same time as Schelling, had never particularly liked Schelling and in Wurzburg had come to regard Schelling with undisguised contempt. Paulus was the one friend that Fries and Hegel shared, but, unfortunately for Hegel, Paulus’ loathing for Schelling and Schelling’s philosophy led him to write to Fries to tell him that he was trying to attain a position for Fries at Wurzburg in order to have a “Kantian” counterweight to what Paulus could only view as the Schellingian silliness taking root there. Hegel’s friendship with Schelling, whose star was starting to set, and Paulus’s friendship with Fries, whose star was on the rise, thus virtually insured that Hegel would not get a position at Wurzburg. It was painful to Hegel that the one place where he had friends and might hope for some help in securing a position thus turned out to be a place where one of his own acquaintances was promoting someone whose ideas Hegel could only look on with derision and who was publicly outspoken in his denunciations and ridicule of the line of thought into which Hegel had thrown his lot.^ Fries, moreover, was outpublishing Hegel, having published not only Reinhold, Fichte und Schelling but also a volume in 1803 on the philosophy of law {Philosophical Doctrine of Right and Critique of All Positive Legislation).^ Because of all these complications, Hegel and Fries established a deep antipathy for each other that lasted their whole lives.
In Hegel’s eyes, the fact that Fries and not he was to be promoted could only have been experienced as the deepest affront. Acutely aggrieved, Hegel politely protested in a letter to Goethe that if Fries were going to be promoted, then he too certainly deserved promotion, and he laid out his case for his deserving promotion (including his usual promise to bring out his “system” in book form very soon); his ploy was successful, and in 1805 he managed to have himself promoted along with Fries to “extraordinary professor.” Unfortunately, the position carried the same salary as his former position: nothing. Moreover, to accept the position also meant that he had both to gain permission from the Wiirttemberg Consistorial Church authorities and, since accepting the position at Jena was accepting employment by a foreign prince, to forsake the minor stipend he had been receiving from the consistory in Wiirttemberg. This was difficult: His Wiirttemberg stipend had never amounted to much, but at least it was something. In 1806, Goethe finally managed to get Hegel a salary of too Thalers, but this amounted to little more than an honorarium; the lowliest student was expected to have 200 Thalers simply to be able to support himself at the barest subsistence level.
在黑格尔眼中，事实上弗里斯而非他黑格尔必将得到晋升，这件事可能仅仅被黑格尔认为是对他黑格尔的深度冒犯。由于感到受到极大的侮辱，黑格尔在致歌德的信中婉言提出抗议，说道，如果弗里斯将得到晋升，那么他黑格尔当然也应该晋升。黑格尔列出了他本人应该晋升的理由（其中包括他经常允诺的不久将以书的形式发表的“体系”）。他的策略很成功，1805年他想方设法使自己与弗里斯携手晋升为“特聘教授”。令黑格尔遗憾的是，这个职位使他本人拿到与先前职位相同的薪水：薪水分文未增。尚不止于此，接受这个职位也就意味着他既要必须取得维尔茨堡教会法庭当局的许可，又因为在耶拿接受这个职位就是接受外国亲王的雇佣，所以不得不放弃那笔少得可怜的他长期以来从符腾堡教会领到的津贴。这给黑格尔出了一道难题：他在符腾堡领到的薪俸虽然不是很多，但至少它可以使他聊以自慰。在1806年，歌德最终设法使黑格尔拿到100泰勒薪俸，但这个数额只比津贴略高一点；就连家境最贫寒的学生估计也需要200泰勒才能够维持自己最基本的生活水平。
The untenability and precariousness of Hegel’s overall situation in
Jena comes out clearly in his letters to his friend Immanuel Niethammer. The letters written to Niethammer during this period make continual references not only to various jobs that Hegel hopes Niethammer might assist him in procuring but also to the money he has borrowed from Niethammer, and finally resort to outright pleading for money. For lack of funds, Hegel was forced to leave his old apartment and move to a smaller, cheaper place on Lobdergraben (at or very near the place that his friend Holderlin had occupied some years earlier and next-door to where Fichte had earlier lived). By 1806, Caroline Schelling was writing to Friedrich Schelling about how bad things were getting in Jena and how people were reduced to having very little, noting, “One cannot say how Hegel managed to bring himself through it all.”5
黑格尔在耶拿立足不稳和岌岌可危的整个处境清楚地反映在他致友人伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔的信中。在这个阶段写给尼特哈默尔的信件中，不仅持续提到黑格尔希望尼特哈默尔可以帮他找到的各种不同的工作，而且不断提到他已经从尼特哈默尔手中借钱的事情，最后提到直截了当地向尼特哈默尔要钱的事情。由于缺乏资金，黑格尔被迫离开他旧有的公寓，搬到勒布德尔格拉本一个更小的、租金更廉价的住处（在或者很靠近朋友荷尔德林早些年前待过的、紧挨着费希特早年住过的地方）。到1806年，卡罗利内·谢林致信弗里德里希·谢林，诉说耶拿有些事情在变得多么糟糕，人口数量变得如何地少，信中还强调指出，“人们无法说清黑格尔怎么设法使他自己经受得住所有这些事情。”
Hegel was desperate for a position, and to get a position, he needed a book. During this period, he wrote a letter (drafted at least three times, the final draft probably being written in May, 1805) to Johann Heinrich Voss, the translator of Homer and a major figure in his time, hoping to enlist Voss’s help in securing a position at the newly reconstituted university at Heidelberg. (After the rearrangement of the German map following the Reichsdeputationshauptschlufi of 1803, Heidelberg fell under the rule of the principality of Baden, and the grand duke of Baden took it upon himself to rebuild the virtually ruined university there very much along the lines of the then rapidly disintegrating university at Jena; Voss was one of the luminaries he lured to Heidelberg to achieve his aim.) In his letter to Voss, Hegel lays out what he hopes to be his career path; he remarks on philosophy as the “queen of the sciences” (indicating his full acceptance of the Fichtean understanding of the role of philosophy in the university), and he even flatters Voss by comparing his translation of Homer to Luther’s translation of the Bible, noting that he (Hegel) hopes himself to “teach philosophy to speak German,” and hints not so subtly about how his having some position at Heidelberg would enable him to pursue the common aims” that he suggests he and Voss share. He even suggests, no doubt sincerely, that he “would wish to cover a particular field of philosophy not represented at Heidelberg, i.e., to lecture on aesthetics in the sense of a cours de litterature^'^ and he notes that “by fall I will give an exposition of my work as a system of philosophy” (referring, almost certainly, to his work on what was to become the Phsnotncnology oj Spirit - as always, though, Hegel failed to make good on the claim, this time fortunately being off by only about a year).^ Nothing came of Hegel s entreaties to Voss, although he received a very courteous and seemingly heartfelt reply wishing him good luck. Niethammer was also unable to find anything for him. Finally, to pile insult on top of desperation, his adversary J. F. Fries was able in 1805 to land the position in Heidelberg for which Hegel had entertained hopes; Fries had done so with the help of his friend Henry Crabb Robinson, the English student at Jena, who by various accidents had come to be taken seriously enough by a number of important people to exercise some influence in German academic circles; Fries thus acquired — to Hegel’s chagrin, with Voss’s assistance — the salaried position of an “ordinary professor” at Heidelberg.
黑格尔拼命想谋求职位，而为弄到职位，他需要出版一部著作。在这个阶段，他致信《荷马史诗》译者约翰·海因里希·福斯——这位当时重量级人物，希望承蒙福斯提携在新近组建的海德堡大学谋得个职位。（在遵循1803年帝国代表团报告重新划定德国版图后，海德堡属于巴登公国统治，巴登大公把完全沿用那时快速瓦解的耶拿大学思路来重建实际上已遭到毁坏的大学看作责无旁贷；福斯是被海德堡吸引去实现他目标的名人之一。）在致福斯信中，黑格尔列出了他所希望的作为他的谋生之道；他把哲学说成是“科学的女王”（这表明他已经完全认同费希特对哲学在大学中扮演角色的理解），他甚至还吹捧福斯，把后者翻译的《荷马史诗》与路德《圣经》译本相提并论，强调指出他（黑格尔）希望他自己能够“教哲学说德语”，笨拙地暗示他在海德堡具有某个职位怎么将能使他实现“共同的目标”，这里他暗示的是他自己和福斯共同具有的目标。他甚至还表明，无疑真诚地表明，他“当然希望开辟特殊的哲学领域而非在海德堡时期描述的哲学领域，即当然希望开设文学课程意义上的美学讲座”，他强调指出“到秋季我将把我的著作扩展成哲学体系”（这里几乎肯定是指他那将写成的《精神现象学》这部著作——尽管如此，一如既往，黑格尔未能兑现承诺，幸运的是这次讲授只维持了一年左右便宣告结束）。“黑格尔向福斯提出的恳求根本就没有着落，尽管他收到祝他好运这一非常委婉的、看似由衷的答复。尼特哈默尔同样也未能帮上黑格尔任何忙。最终，不断累积的挫折让黑格尔的绝望达到了顶点的是，黑格尔的对手J.F.弗里斯能够在1805年获得了黑格尔早已梦寐以求的海德堡大学职位；弗里斯在友人亨利·克拉布·鲁滨逊——这位耶拿大学英国籍学生的帮助下获得了这个职位，鲁滨逊借助各种偶然事件达到他自己受到很多对德国学界产生影响的重量级人物足够认真地对待；弗里斯因而获得了一个——使黑格尔感到愧疚，尽管有福斯的提携——海德堡大学带薪“普通教授”职位。
Writing to a friend (the Catholic physician and mystic Karl Joseph Windischmann) several years later (1810), Hegel spoke of a dark period in his life, a “mood of the soul, or rather of reason” during which he had no clear idea of where he was heading, which he characterized both as a “hypochondria” - a depression - from which he suffered “to the point of exhaustion,” and as nonetheless a “turning point in his life” during which his self-confidence grew.’ Hegel was no doubt referring to his overall stay in Berne, partially to some events late in his stay in Frankfurt, but most of all he was referring to his time spent in Jena and to the “turning point” he experienced there in 1805-06. Certainly, if there was ever a period during which, as Hegel puts it in the letter, his soul, confronted with a “chaos of phenomena,” was in a state in which “though inwardly certain of the goal, [it had] not worked its way through them to clarity and to a detailed account of the whole,” it was during that stretch in Jena when he was constantly revising his various “system drafts” and hanging on as best he could to his unsettled existence. Hegel’s account shows that he dealt with his slump into deep depression by working even harder.*
在多年后（1801年）致友人（信奉天主教的外科医生兼神秘主义者卡尔·约瑟夫·温迪施曼）的信中，黑格尔提及他人生中一个郁闷的阶段，提及“灵魂情绪，更精确地说，理性情绪”的一个郁闷的阶段。在这个阶段，他看不清他本人前进的方向，这个阶段的特点既被他刻画为“抑郁症”——一种因“忧郁症”而让他经受身心交瘁的痛苦，又被他刻画为“他人生中的转折点”，因为在这个阶段他的自信开始逐渐增强。黑格尔无疑指的是他待在伯尔尼的整个时期，部分地指的是他待在法兰克福后期的某些事件，而尤其是他指的是他花在耶拿的时间以及他在1805年至1806年在那里经历的“人生转折点”。当然，如果说，曾经存在着某个阶段，在这个阶段，像黑格尔在那封信中写道的，他的灵魂，面对“混乱现象”的灵魂，处在这样一种状态：在这种状态下，“虽然本质上存在各种目标，但[这些目标]却没有穿过‘混乱现象’走向澄明，走向对整体的详尽释述”，那么，这种目标在耶拿时期就变得更加高远，其时他在不断修改他各种不同的“体系草案”并竭尽全力驾驭颠簸不定的生存。黑格尔的释述表明他依靠更加刻苦的工作打消他所陷入的深深沮丧。
He offered some advice to Windischmann, which is significant for what it says about himself: “It is science {Wissenschaft) which has led you into the labyrinth of the soul, and science alone is capable of leading you out again and healing you.” What is especially striking about this piece of advice - other than its being one of the few instances in which Hegel talks about himself in any emotional terms at all - is that Hegel does not mention religion as his salvation, nor does he recommend it to Windischmann. In the dark night of the soul, for Hegel (at least in 1810), not religion, not even God, but devotion to scholarly work is alone capable of providing salvation for people like himself. The priority of “science” over religion was thus not merely something that Hegel proposed in theory; at that point in his life, his own experience had obviously shown him that religion was not, for km, the full answer to his own problems.
他向温迪施曼提了些建议，这些建议对于它们就他本人表明的东西是具有重要意义的：“是科学（Wissenschaft）已经致使你进入灵魂的迷宫，唯有科学才能复又使你入世和治愈你。”这条建议——而非其他几条建议中任何一条，而且在这几条建议中黑格尔谈及自己时丝毫不带感情色彩——特别引人瞩目之处在于黑格尔没有提及宗教作为他的救赎，也没有向温迪施曼推荐宗教。在灵魂的黑暗之夜，对于黑格尔来说（至少在1810年），不是宗教，甚至不是上帝，唯有潜心学术研究才能为像他自己一样的人们提供救赎。“科学”与宗教相比的优越性因此不单是某种被黑格尔理论上提出的东西；在他人生的关键时刻，他的亲身经历显然早已向他表明对他来说宗教不是对他自己问题的圆满答案。
Depressed as he was becoming about the turn of events in his life, Hegel nonetheless was not paralyzed by it, even though his situation was depressing enough. A Danish romantic poet, Adam Oehlenschlager, who visited Jena in the summer of 1806, remembered finding Hegel a particularly lively and good-hearted fellow. He and Hegel became friends after sharing a comical evening at a piano recital, where someone was trying to play some sentimental piece on the piano while singing along with it; apparently, his playing was awful, his singing worse. Both Hegel and Oehlenschlager were standing behind the chair of the person singing and playing, and as the piece wore on and got worse, the absurdity of the situation crept up on them; they kept exchanging glances and while straining to be polite, found that the more they tried to stifle their laughter, the harder it became to do so, and that every time they glanced at each other, it only increased the impulse to laugh. The two became good friends and took walks and talked every day. On one walk with some other friends, one of them. Professor Franz Joseph Schelver, a renowned botanist, gathered some cherries and berries from someone’s garden, which Hegel jokingly explained away as not being the theft of fruit so much as it was serious botanical research on Schelver’s part.
尽管黑格尔对人生转折中的事件逐渐产生沮丧，他仍然没有被人生转折弄得麻木不仁，虽然他的处境把他弄得十分郁闷。一位丹麦浪漫主义诗人，亚当·厄伦施赖格尔，在1806年夏季访问耶拿时，清楚地记得他发觉黑格尔是个特别精力充沛且具有菩萨心肠的人。他和黑格尔在共同欣赏了一场具有喜剧色彩的钢琴独奏晚会后成了朋友，晚会上有人在尝试着自弹自唱一首令人感伤的钢琴曲；非常明显的是，他的演奏非常糟糕，演唱也比较糟糕。黑格尔和厄伦施赖格尔两人站在这个自弹自唱者背后，随着演奏逐渐变得支离破碎、演唱变得越来越糟糕，荒谬情形悄悄袭上他们俩的心头；他们不断地彼此交换眼神，同时还要保持不失礼貌，他们发觉越是试图忍住发笑就越难做到忍住发笑，并发觉每次他们彼此对视只不过增加了想笑的冲动。两人成了好朋友，每天都一起散步、一起聊天。在一次跟其他一些朋友共同散步时，其中有一位朋友，弗朗茨·约瑟夫·舍尔费尔教授，一位知名植物学家，从花园中采摘了一些樱桃和李子，黑格尔以开玩笑的方式辩解道，就舍尔费尔来说，这代表着严肃的植物学研究而不等于盗窃水果。
G. A. Gabler remembered Hegel’s being honored by the festive singing of students outside his house, a homage customary for a new Prorector to receive but which was only done for particularly popular professors. Hegel, as always a bit clumsy in such a public setting, was clearly surprised by this show of affection and, as Gabler put it, uttered “some obscure words about the meaning of science” to the students, remarking, typically, that he accepted the honor in the name of “respect and recognition” for such science.^
G.A.加布勒不会忘记学生们在黑格尔家外面用欢乐的歌唱表达对黑格尔的尊敬，这是新上任副校长惯常接受的敬意，而这样的敬意只不过是对特别受欢迎的教授们才作出的。黑格尔——在这样的公共场合始终略显笨拙的黑格尔——显然对这动人情景感到十分惊讶，像加布勒指出的，对这些学生讲了“一些晦涩难懂的有关科学意义的话”，并且说道，别具一格地说道，他以“尊重和认可”这种科学的名义接受这样的敬意。
Hegel was trying his best to hold up his spirits, but it was nonetheless clear to everyone that his professional options were drying up. Even his old friend and protector Schelling was continuing to experience troubles since his move to Wurzburg, troubles that went beyond Paulus’s enmity for him. The Catholic clergy there, having decided that he was an enemy of their religion, had furiously turned against him, and the Catholic bishops even forbade Catholic students from attending Schelling’s lectures, threatening them with excommunication if they did. In 1805, however, after the Treaty of Pressburg (following yet another defeat of the Austrians by the French), Bavaria, which had been given Wurzburg only a few years before, had to give it over to Austrian interests in exchange for a significant enlargement of its own territory and its becoming a kingdom (its reward for having sided with France). Schelling refused to take an oath of loyalty to the new regime, and in compensation the Bavarian government made him a member of the Bavarian Academy of the Sciences in Munich. On April 17, 1806, Schelling left Wurzburg for Munich. Schelling could thus be of no help, and even Goethe, the magisterial figure whose friendship Flegel had carefully cultivated since coming to Jena and who actually looked quite favorably on Hegel’s work, was incapable (to his own regret) of doing much for Hegel.
黑格尔在尽力打起精神，但每个人都依然非常清楚黑格尔职业上的选择最终告吹。实际上他的老友兼担保人谢林自移居维尔茨堡以来接连遇到某些麻烦，这些麻烦比保卢斯对他的敌意还要厉害。维尔茨堡天主教牧师，在断定谢林是他们宗教的敌人后，猛烈地攻击谢林，天主教主教们甚至还禁止信奉天主教的学生去听谢林的讲课，威胁说如果他们去听谢林讲课就将他们逐出教会。不过，1805年，在《普雷斯堡条约》签订后（在奥地利人又一次被法国人打败后签订的条约），巴伐利亚——仅仅在几年前就已被割让给维尔茨堡的巴伐利亚——现在不得不全面照顾奥地利人的利益以便交换它自己具有重要意义的领土扩张和它成为一个王国（作为它与法国站在一边的奖励）。谢林拒绝对新政权宣誓效忠，作为对谢林这一举动的奖赏，巴伐利亚政府让谢林当上了位于慕尼黑的巴伐利亚科学院成员。在1806年4月17日，谢林离开维尔茨堡前往慕尼黑。谢林因此不可能伸出援手，甚至就连歌德，这位地方行政长官也无法帮上黑格尔多大忙（对他自己来说非常遗憾），尽管黑格尔自到达耶拿以来细心呵护他与歌德的友谊，而且歌德实际上看起来对黑格尔的工作大加称赞。
Realizing that he was now under extreme pressure to publish his long-promised book, Hegel arranged to have his “system” brought out by a publisher in Bamberg named Goebhardt, who agreed to pay him eighteen florins per page, with the first payment coming only after the first half of the book had been delivered to him. Of course, that raised the question of when a book is half-finished, and Hegel, it turned out, could not provide an answer, since he found his manuscript to be growing almost out of control as he wrote it. The publisher began to lose patience with his recalcitrant client and reneged on his promise of guaranteeing 1,000 copies of the Introduction to the System of Science^ and not only reduced his part of the bargain to a promise of 750 copies but also refused all payment to Hegel until the whole manuscript, not just half of it, was delivered to him. After several mournful entreaties from Hegel, Immanuel Niethammer intervened and promised the publisher that he himself would buy up the entire run if Hegel did not get the manuscript in by the deadline (which was fixed at October 18, 1806).
在意识到他现在承受极大压力发表老早就允诺出版的著作后，黑格尔安排让他的“体系”由纽伦堡城一位叫格布哈德的出版商出版发行，出版商同意付给黑格尔每页18弗罗林稿酬，首次支付稿酬仅仅在这部书稿一半寄给出版商后才能兑现。当然，这就带来了这部书稿何时完成一半的问题，结果黑格尔无法提供答案，因为他发觉他写作时书稿内容不断膨胀几乎无法控制全书篇幅。出版商开始因这位桀骜不驯的客户保证包销1000册《科学体系引论》的承诺无法兑现而变得不耐烦了，并且不仅把包销数量减少到合同中承诺部分的750册，而且直到全部书稿而非只是半部书稿寄给他时才付给黑格尔全部稿酬。在黑格尔经过多次苦苦哀求后，伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔出面调停并对出版商作出承诺，他尼特哈默尔本人将会为全部出版费用买单，如果黑格尔未能在（规定的1806年10月18日）这一截止日期前交出书稿。
Whether Niethammer knew the risk he was running - this was the same Hegel who had been promising a book since 1802 - is not clear. (Perhaps Niethammer had seen enough of the manuscript to believe that, for once, Hegel had an excellent chance of actually finishing it on time.) Hegel thanked Niethammer profusely, and set to work trying to bring the manuscript to an end. But as he was doing this, Hegel was also writing to just about everybody he knew asking them about possible leads for employment (as an academic, as editor of a journal, as doing anything in intellectual life that paid a salary).
尼特哈默尔是不是知道他正在冒着的风险——自1802年以来始终在承诺写本书的黑格尔是否同样也面临着这个问题——时下我们还不清楚。（或许尼特哈默尔看到了足够的手稿让他相信只这一次黑格尔具有极佳时机居然能够按时完成书稿。）黑格尔对尼特哈默尔感激不尽，着手努力去完成整部书稿。可是当他在这样做的时候，黑格尔还差不多致信他所认识的每个人询问他们可否给他找份工作（当大学教师，做杂志社编辑，做带薪的撰稿人的任何工作）。
Just as he was finishing the book, something else happened that he could not have predicted: Napoleon, the man who wished to “finish the novel” of the Revolution, appeared with French troops outside of Jena. Prussia had not engaged French troops since the calamitous Battle of ^'almy in 1792. In the meantime, Prussia had occupied British Hannover, thereby upsetting the British; in the summer of 1806, in talks with the British about peace, France suggested that Hannover be returned to Britain, all of which caused Prussia to align itself with Russia against France. On September 13, Prussia sent its troops into Saxony. On October 14, as Hegel was finishing up what was to become the Phenomeno/og)' of Spirit, Napoleon engaged the Prussian troops on a plateau outside of Jena. The battle lasted only for the afternoon and ended with the Prussians in a full, anarchic, chaotic retreat, their once-dominant army having been decimated by the French troops. (Friedrich Gabriel von Clausewitz, the great theorist of modern warfare and a later acquaintance of Hegel’s in Berlin, was with the Prussian troops that day; his reflections on the causes of the Prussians’ humiliating defeat at the Battle of Jena motivated him to begin his famous reconceptualization of the nature of modern warfare.)
正当他这部书稿快要杀青时，某种其他不可能被他预料到的事情发生了：拿破仑，这个希望“写完”法国大革命“这部小说”的人，率领法国军队出现在耶拿城外。普鲁士自1792年灾难性的瓦尔米战役以来还没有与法国军队交战过。同时，普鲁士占领了英国统治下的汉诺威，由此弄得英国人惊慌失措；1806年夏季，在跟英国人议和时，法国建议汉诺威理应归还给英国，所有这些导致普鲁士与俄国结成反法联盟。9月13日，普鲁士派遣军队进入萨克森。10月14日，当黑格尔竭力完成即将付梓的《精神现象学》的时候，拿破仑率部正与普鲁士军队在耶拿城外高地上交战。这场战役仅仅持续一个下午就以普鲁士人全面的瞎指挥的混乱的撤退告终，以普鲁士人一度占上风的军队被法国军队大批杀死告终。弗里德里希·加布里埃尔·冯·克劳塞维茨——现代战争的伟大理论家，与黑格尔晚年在柏林的相识——这天正在普鲁士军中；他对普鲁士人在耶拿战役中耻辱性的失败原因的反思促使他着手对现代战争本质的著名的再概念化。
During the battle, the city of Jena was shelled and many houses on one of the main streets of the town (the Johannisgasse) were set aflame. Before the battle, Hegel had packed up his things and gone to stay at first with the well-placed parents of one of his students - Georg Andreas Gabler, who ironically enough was later to become the first successor to Hegel’s chair at Berlin - and then later with his friends the Frommanns, who had a large house on the other side of the small town; on returning to his own place, Hegel found it ransacked by the French, remarking in a letter to Niethammer that the “knaves have, to be sure, messed up my papers like lottery tickets.”"' On October 13, one day before the climactic battle, Napoleon entered the town of Jena, and Hegel, ever the admirer of the Revolution, noted famously in a letter to Niethammer that “I saw the Emperor - this world-soul - riding out of the citv on reconnaissance. It is indeed a wonderful sensation to see such an individual, who, concentrated here at a single point, astride a horse, reaches out over the world and masters it . . . this extraordinary man, whom it is impossible not to admire.”" That Hegel said this to Niethammer at that time is all the more striking since at that point he had already composed the crucial section of the Phenomenolog)' in which he remarked that the Revolution had now officially passed to another land (Germany) that would complete “in thought” what the Revolution had only partially accomplished in practice - as it were, that the “novel of the Revolution” was to be completed by German philosophy, not by French politics.'^ The fact that Hegel had mostly completed the hook at this point gave rise to the legend, most famously put in words by his student Eduard Gans, that “under the thunder of the battle of Jena he completed the Phenomenology of Spirit.”'-^ (Hegel himself helped to supply material for that legend, even describing the Phenomenology in a later letter to Niethammer as “my book, which I completed the night before the battle of Jena,” a statement which, of course, was only partially true.)''*
在耶拿战役期间，耶拿城遭到炮击，市中心一条主街道（约翰街道）两旁很多房屋被烧毁。早在耶拿战役前，黑格尔就已经打点行装，起初和他学生中的一个很有地位的学生父母——格奥尔格·安德列亚斯·加布勒同住，极具讽刺意味的是，这个学生后来竟然成了黑格尔在柏林职位的第一位继承人——随后和朋友弗罗曼家人同住，他们家在耶拿小镇对面有一栋豪宅；回到他自己住处时，黑格尔发觉寓所已被法国人洗劫一空。在致尼特哈默尔的信中，他谈到：“这帮恶棍无疑把我书稿当作彩票翻得乱七八糟。”在10月13日，耶拿战役决战前夕，拿破仑率部进入耶拿小镇，而黑格尔，法国大革命的永远仰慕者，在致尼特哈默尔的一封著名信中写道：“我看到皇帝——世界灵魂——率领侦察队员骑马离开了耶拿城。看到这样一个人实际上令人产生非常奇妙的感觉，这个人，唯独在关键时刻骑着马出现在这里，不可一世且征服了世界……这个非凡人物不可能不受人钦佩。”黑格尔当时对尼特哈默尔说过这件事，这就使得这件事更加引人注目，因为这时他已经创作出《精神现象学》的关键部分，在这部分中他论述道，法国大革命现已正式传到另一块土地（德意志），德国将在“思想中”完成法国大革命仅仅在实践中部分地完成的东西——实际上，“法国大革命这部小说”必将由德国哲学完成，而非由法国政治学完成。事实上，黑格尔那时大体上完成了《精神现象学》这部著作，第6章“生活的转折：从耶拿到纽伦堡时期”堪称创造了一个传奇，用他弟子爱德华·甘斯最有名的话来讲，“在耶拿战役隆隆炮声中，他完成了《精神现象学》。”（黑格尔本人有助于为这个传奇提供佐证，甚至在后来致尼特哈默尔的信中把《精神现象学》描述为“我的著作，该著被我在耶拿战役前夜完成”，这个说法当然仅仅是部分真实的。）
The Phenomenology was, though, completed under heady and, for Hegel, also depressing circumstances. On July 12, 1806, Napoleon had used his influence to officially establish the Confederation of the Rhine, an alliance of sixteen German states (soon to become twenty-three) that included almost all the old member states of the Holy Roman Empire (excluding, notably, Prussian and Austria). One of the conditions for membership (which was forced on the participants by the French) was that the members of the confederation had to renounce membership in the Holy Roman Empire. That condition effectively ended the existence of the empire. On August 6, 1806, the official herald of the Holy Roman Empire, the old Reich^ read a proclamation in Vienna (with all the usual flourishes and after the appropriate trumpet fanfare) that announced that the emperor had abdicated his position as emperor of the Holy Roman Empire; in doing so, the emperor had thereby illegally but nonetheless effectively dissolved the empire itself. Thus, the empire under whose terms and laws Hegel had always lived vanished right before his eyes; moreover, in later smashing what was once the vaunted Prussian military at the battle of Jena, Napoleon had snuffed out any possible hope for its reconstitution. The seemingly invincible French now had a sturdy buffer between themselves and Austria and Prussia: The new member states of the Confederation of the Rhine were large enough to defend themselves (unlike the Lander of the old Holy Roman Empire) but not large enough to pose any real threat to France, to whom, in any event, they were allied.
尽管如此，《精神现象学》是在紧急情况下完成的，而黑格尔当时也处于精神沮丧的状态。在1806年7月12日，拿破仑利用他的影响正式建立了莱茵河联邦，这个由16个德国州（不久变成23个州）组成的联盟几乎囊括了所有神圣罗马帝国旧有成员州（显然不包括普鲁士和奥地利）。成为该联邦成员（在法国高压下成为联邦成员）的条件之一是联邦成员必须声明脱离神圣罗马帝国。这个条件实际上使神圣罗马帝国寿终正寝。在1806年8月6日，神圣罗马帝国这个古老的帝国官方使节在维也纳（像往常一样，簇拥着献花和在军鼓喧天的隆重欢迎后）宣读一份声明，宣布皇帝已经放弃了作为神圣罗马帝国皇帝的宝座；在这样做的时候，皇帝实际上毁了帝国自身。因此，这个为黑格尔始终在其国号和法律下生活的帝国恰恰在他眼前烟消云散了；尚不止于此，由于后来耶拿战役击溃了曾经不可一世的普鲁士军队，拿破仑从而让可能使普鲁士军队重建的希望彻底破灭。这些表面上战无不胜的法国人当时在他们自己与奥地利和普鲁士之间设有稳固的缓冲地带：莱茵河联邦新成员各州强大得足以自卫（和古老神圣罗马帝国的公国不一样），但又没有强大得足以对法国构成任何真正的威胁——无论如何，法国都是它们的盟友。
Hegel himself apparently regretted neither the empire’s dissolution nor Napoleon’s coup de grace, but he was certainly unnerved by the whole set of events. On the eve of the battle of Jena itself, Hegel sent most of the last pages of his book by special courier to the publisher on October i8, he claimed to be carrying the last sheets with him in his pocket, fearful that they might get lost. Shortly after the battle and its aftermath, Hegel, who only a few days before had admired Napoleon from his window, remarked in one of his letters to Immanuel Niethammer, “nobody has imagined war as we have seen it.”'^
黑格尔本人显然既未对帝国瓦解感到惋惜，也未对拿破仑垮台感到惊惜，而他肯定完全被这一系列事件弄得不知所措。在耶拿战役前夜，黑格尔通过特殊送信人把《精神现象学》这部著作的最后部分送给了出版商；在10月18日，他声称将终校稿放进随身口袋，唯恐它们可能被弄丢了。耶拿战役后以及耶拿战役结束后的那段时间，黑格尔——仅仅在几天前还透过自家窗户对拿破仑十分钦佩的黑格尔——在致伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔的一封信中写道：“人们无法像我们亲眼目睹的一样去想象这场战争。”
But as the publication of the book drew near, what Hegel had hoped would be the high point of his life - the publication of his system, his chance to take what he saw as his rightful place in the post-Kantian disputes - started turning out to be something completely different. On February 5, 1807, two weeks after Hegel, now virtually penniless, had finished a new Preface for the book, the housekeeper and landlady of the house where Hegel was living, Christiana Charlotte Johanna Burkhardt, gave birth to his illegitimate son, Ludwig. With no money, no real paying job, and a child by a woman who was married to some one who had recently abandoned her, Hegel’s situation was now desperate.
但是随着《精神现象学》这部著作出版日期的临近，那被黑格尔所希望的将成为他人生中巅峰的东西——他的体系的发表，他所看重的他在后康德哲学争论中合法地位的机会——开始被证明成了某种截然不同的东西。在1807年2月5日，此时实际上身无分文的黑格尔为《精神现象学》这部著作写完新序言两个星期后，黑格尔租住的房屋的主妇兼女房东克里斯蒂安娜·夏洛特·约翰娜·布克哈特生下了黑格尔的私生子路德维希。由于没有钱，由于确实没有支付薪水的工作，由于跟一个有夫之妇生了孩子，黑格尔的处境此时完全彻底地变得令他呼天天不应、叫地地不灵。
Farewell to Jena
The Demise of the University
告别耶拿
耶拿大学的遗赠
The Battle of Jena and its aftermath left the university and the city devastated. By 1805 the war situation and the continual movement of troops in and out of the city had brought hard economic times to Jena; during that time, food became more expensive and other prices steadily rose. The departure of the university’s leading lights had also meant that many fewer students were now coming to the university to study, thereby further worsening the already declining economic situation of the town. With the city already in bad shape, matters became even worse as French troops went on a spree of plundering in the city both before and after the battle. Whole libraries belonging to professors disappeared along with many of their other possessions and just about any money they had with them. As French troops first entered the city, two emissaries from the university even went to speak with one of the French marshals to plead with him to spare the university; their reward for this effort was that their money and their watches were stolen from them on the spot.'*^ One professor, Christian Gruner, suffered the most: he had 18,000 Thalers taken from him. (Hegel himself noted in a letter to Niethammer how indeed “Gruner suffered very greatly.”)'^ Only the few houses that had quartered French troops were spared from such looting, among them that belonging to the Frommann family (to which Hegel had retreated from his apartment on Lobdergraben). In fleeing his own residence, Hegel was certainly not alone; anyone who knew anybody who owned one of those houses and whom the owners permitted to move in prudently and quickly abandoned where they had been living. Johanna Frommann noted that at the time when Hegel was there that she had between 70 and 80 French people staying at her house, and the number of Germans raised the total number of people living in her house in those few days to about 130.'* Moreover, for some time after the battle, the city was effectively turned into a military hospital for recovering French soldiers; many private homes, including those of many professors, were packed with convalescing French servicemen.
耶拿战役及其后果使得耶拿大学和耶拿城满目疮痍。到1805年，战局与军队频繁进出耶拿城已经致使耶拿在经济上处于非常严峻的时期；在这一期间，食品变得越来越贵，其他物品价格也持续上扬。耶拿大学领军人物跳槽同样也意味着此时报考耶拿大学的学生变得越来越少，由此使耶拿城本已每况愈下的经济形势变得雪上加霜。由于耶拿城局势恶化，事情变得更加糟糕，因为法国军队在耶拿战役前后把耶拿城洗劫一空。所有属于教授的图书馆连同他们的很多其他财物和他们随身携带的为数不多的全部钱财都已不复存在。当法国军队起初进入耶拿城的时候，耶拿大学的两位特使甚至前去和法国一位元帅商谈，请求他放过耶拿大学；他们这次努力得到的回报是他们的钱和手表被当地法国驻军偷走。一位叫克里斯蒂安·格鲁纳的教授损失最大：他被人偷走了18000泰勒。（黑格尔本人在致尼特哈默尔信中提到，“格鲁纳的损失非常之大。”）“只有几所供法国军队居住的房屋幸免于这样的洗劫，它们中有属于弗罗曼家的房屋（黑格尔从勒布德尔花园公寓搬到弗罗曼家）。在逃离他自己住处时，黑格尔当然不是独自一人；房客都知道房东住在同一栋房屋中，房东允许房客搬进来住，但是房客都谨慎而迅速地撤离他们自己长期以来的住处。约翰娜·弗罗曼曾强调指出，就是在黑格尔住在那里时，她让70到80个法国人暂住在她家，加上德国人那几天住在她家的总人数大约达到130人。尚不止于此，在耶拿战役后的一段时间里，耶拿城实际上成了一所用作法国士兵康复的军事医院；很多私人房屋，其中包括很多教授的房屋，挤满了正在接受康复治疗的法国军人。
Things looked particularly bad for the university, since Napoleon, with his eye on administrative efficiency in newly conquered lands, had closed many German universities, saying that there were simply “many too many academies in Germany; one could arrange for instruction with many fewer.(Halle, for example, temporarily suffered such a fate at Napoleon’s hands.) However, Napoleon decided to spare the university at Jena. Meeting with a delegation of three people from the university (which included Prorector Gabler, at whose house Hegel had first taken refuge), Napoleon noted how the university had distinguished itself through the fame of its professors and in effect promised not to haul all of its goods away; by November 24, a letter to that effect was given to the university.Napoleon partially made good on his promises, and by 1808, Jena had been compensated for the burning of its buildings with a payment of 30,000 Francs.^'
这些东西对于耶拿大学来说看起来特别不利，因为拿破仑，由于他把眼睛盯在新占领地区行政管理效率上，从而关闭了很多所德国大学，说简直有“太多太多的德国学院；人们仅用几所学院就可以让教育变得秩序井然。”（举例来说，哈勒大学在拿破仑手中暂时遭到这样一种痛苦的命运。）然而拿破仑决定保留耶拿大学。在跟耶拿大学三位代表见面后（他们中含副校长加布勒，他家是黑格尔首次避难处），拿破仑强调指出耶拿大学如何依靠它教授的声名而使得它自己鹤立鸡群，他还实质上承认它可以按照它的办学模式发展；到11月24日，一封大意如此的信件被送达耶拿大学。拿破仑部分地履行了他的承诺：到1808年，耶拿大学因它多栋大楼被烧毁而得到了30000法郎付款作为补偿。
(Napoleon did not meet with Goethe himself at this point, but almost two years later, in October 1808, he commanded an audience with the great man, from which a famous Napoleonic saying emerged. When asked by Goethe about whether tragedy could be still written around the idea of fate, Napoleon is said to have replied, “What do we want with fate now? Politics is our fate.”^^ Hegel in fact liked that particular line so much, he later cited it as a classic Napoleonic line in his lectures in Berlin on the philosophy of world history. The actual conversation between Goethe and Napoleon, however, turned less on such grand themes; it was mostly concerned with Goethe’s youthful novel Sorrows of Young Werther, which Napoleon claimed to have read seven times!^^ Goethe was a public celebrity, someone whom people wanted personally to meet, and Napoleon was no exception.^"* Being as starstruck with Goethe’s celebrity as any of the other passionate devotees of Werther at the time, Napoleon used his own renown to stage a conversation with the author so that he could ask him which parts of the novel were “real” and which were not. Napoleon’s infatuation in meeting personally with such a celebrity probably contributed to Jena’s receiving compensation for the damage.)
（拿破仑在这时没有和歌德本人会晤，而几乎在相隔两年后的1808年10月，他才安排正式接见这位伟人，从这次接见中产生了一句著名的拿破仑名言。当歌德谈及悲剧是否仍然可以围绕命运这一概念创作的时候，据说拿破仑作出了这样的回答：“我们现在还要和命运干什么？政治就是我们的命运。”黑格尔事实上非常喜欢这别具一格的理路，他后来在柏林开设世界史哲学课程中把这两句话当作拿破仑一世的经典理论加以引证。然而，歌德与拿破仑之间的实际交谈很少涉及这样的宏大主题；他们主要的交谈几乎全是牵涉歌德年轻时创作的小说《少年维特之烦恼》，这部小说拿破仑声称读过7遍。歌德是一位众所周知的名人，是个被人们都想亲眼见到的伟人，拿破仑同样也不例外。由于和那时魏玛这个地方其他任何热情信徒一样受到歌德这位明星式人物名声的吸引，拿破仑利用他自己的名望策划这次与小说《少年维特之烦恼》作者的访谈，以便他可以当面向歌德讨教这部小说中哪些部分是“真实的”，哪些部分不是“真实的”。拿破仑着迷于亲自和这样一位名流会晤，他的沉迷很可能有助于耶拿大学拿到损毁补偿费用。）
The damage to the university, however, had been done. When the winter semester began on November 3, 1806, only 130 students returned, and the university reached its lowest point for new students (only 31). Needless to say, these returning students had even less money to spend around town than before. Even those professors who had elected to stay in Jena while all others were abandoning the university now found themselves forced for economic reasons to look for employment elsewhere. Hegel was no different: He had no money, an illegitimate son, and he desperately needed some form of employment. He even had some reason to worry that he might be denied the money due him for turning in the whole manuscript of the Phenomenology, because he had missed the deadline for submitting it. His lawyer, however, assured him that acts of war created exculpatory reasons in such cases and that he had nothing to worry about.
可是耶拿大学已经蒙受损失。当冬季学期1806年11月3日开始时，仅仅有130名学生回校，耶拿大学创下了新生入学人数新低（只有31名新生）。不用说，这些返校生由于没什么钱而无法再像以前那样在市镇周围消费。甚至就连这些教授们此时也发觉迫于经济原因想到其他地方找工作，尽管他们之前在其他所有教授纷纷离开耶拿大学时仍然选择留在耶拿。黑格尔身上没有什么与众不同之处：他没有钱，还有个私生子，他极需要找到某种工作。他甚至还有些理由担心他可能由于交出《精神现象学》整部书稿而被拒绝支付稿酬，因为他错过了上交书稿的最后期限。但是，他的律师使他确信战时法案在这时候可以为他找到申辩理由，使他确信他根本不需要担心什么。
During this period, Hegel was in constant correspondence with his old friend Immanuel Niethammer, who was by this time living in Bamberg. Like Paulus and Schelling, Niethammer had left Jena for the university at Wurzburg, but when the city (and hence the university) was given over to the Austrians, Niethammer, a Protestant, had been dismissed and as compensation given a job in the Bavarian civil service. (The rich ecclesiastical city of Bamberg had been given to Bavaria in the reorganization of 1803.) The printer and publisher of the Phenomenology was situated in Bamberg, so Hegel suggested in a letter to Niethammer that it would be best if he (Hegel) came to stay for a while in Bamberg to look over the proofs, since he would just be able to make it through the winter on the money that the publisher, Goebhardt, owed him for completion of the manuscript (and, no doubt, because he owed Niethammer money and hoped to be able to continue to rely on the good will of the Niethammer family for support). Hegel’s personal situation was desperate; he was mortifyingly compelled to ask Niethammer to send me money without fail. I need it most urgently.
在这个阶段，黑格尔跟老友伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔一直保持书信往来，后者到这时住在纽伦堡。像保卢斯和谢林一样，尼特哈默尔离开耶拿投奔维尔茨堡大学，但是当耶拿城（因此还有耶拿大学）被交给奥地利人托管的时候，尼特哈默尔这个新教徒遭到解雇且作为补偿被安排在巴伐利亚民众服务处工作。（纽伦堡这一美丽富饶的教会城市早在1803年重组过程中就已被割让给巴伐利亚。）《精神现象学》的印刷商和出版商都居住在纽伦堡，因此黑格尔在致尼特哈默尔信中提出，要是他（黑格尔）能来纽伦堡待上一段时间校对《精神现象学》这部书稿那就最好不过了，因为他刚好应该能够靠出版商格布哈德欠他黑格尔完成书稿这笔钱度过这个冬季（而且无疑因为他还欠尼特哈默尔钱且希望能够继续依靠好心的尼特哈默尔家的支持）。黑格尔的个人处境令他自己极其绝望；他感到羞愧难当，被迫恳求尼特哈默尔“务必寄钱给我以解我燃眉之急”。
