3 From Berne to Frankfurt to Jena: Failed Projects and Fresh Starts
Berne: Second Thoughts
第3章 “从伯尔尼到法兰克福再到耶拿时期：失败的计划和新的开始”(1)
伯尔尼：第二批想法
IN September of 1793, Hegel took his examination from the church authorities in Wiirttemberg (the Konsistorialexamen) and passed. In October of 1793, he began the first of his two stints as a Hofmeister, a private tutor to well-off families, having acquired his position as tutor in the usual way that young men in those days acquired such positions: totally by accident. A Berne patrician, Captain Carl Friedrich von Steiger, had set out to find a private tutor for his two children. A young graduate of the Tubingen Seminary, a certain Herr Schwindrazheim, had been recommended to Captain von Steiger, and he decided to do some secret checking up on Mr. Schwindrazheim’s qualifications and character. He had a confidante investigate him in Stuttgart, and the results were not exactly favorable for Herr Schwindrazheim. However, another young man, a certain young Hegel, was instead recommended by the relevant people in Tubingen, including the proprietor (Johannes Brodhag) of an inn called the Golden Ox. (The innkeeper was later to become famous in biographies of Schiller, who had earlier frequented the place.) Captain von Steiger managed to get in touch with Hegel, there was some dickering on Hegel’s part about the money involved (Switzerland was even then recognized as an expensive place to live), and the deal was finally struck.
1793年9月，黑格尔在符腾堡参加了由教会机构组织的考试（Korzsistorialeramer）并通过了这次考试。在以和那时的青年人一样通常采用的方式获得家庭教师资格之后，1793年10月他开始为富家子弟担任两个规定任期中第一个Uofeister（家庭教师）任期：而黑格尔当上家庭教师纯属偶然。伯尔尼一位贵族，卡尔·弗里德里希·冯·施泰格尔上尉，早就试图为他两个孩子找一名家庭教师。图宾根神学院一位年轻毕业生，名叫赫尔·施温德拉茨海姆的人，被向施泰格尔上尉作了引荐，而施泰格尔决定暗中考察一下施温德拉茨海姆先生的能力和人品。他委托一位红粉知己已在斯图加特代为考察，考察的结果对赫尔·施温德拉茨海姆极其不利。不过，另一位青年人，名叫黑格尔的青年人，反而被图宾根有关人士——其中包括称作金牛酒店的老板（约翰内斯·布罗德哈格）——向施泰格尔作了引荐。（这家酒店老板后因《席勒传》而闻名，席勒早年经常光顾他的酒店。）冯·施泰格尔上尉安排时间和黑格尔见面，并在涉及黑格尔报酬问题上讨价还价（瑞士甚至在那时就被认作高消费的地方），待遇最终敲定了下来。
Hegel’s stint as a private tutor was typical of the career of young educated men of those days. In the prevailing system of education, many aristocratic and even fairly well-off bourgeois families hired private tutors for their children. (Hegel, for example, had some private tutors while attending school in Stuttgart.) To this end, young men were contracted to provide education for the children at home or often simply to accompany a young aristocrat on something like his grand tour, a fashion that the German aristocracy had taken over from the English. On the grand tour, the young aristocrat would journey to various important cities, visit the local luminaries, and come back not only having seen the world but also presumably having acquired some education along the way. This last was not always the case: The aristocracy hired private tutors not generally because they valued education highly; just as frequently, the young tutor was hired simply to watch over his young lord’s bad habits, help him to avoid some of their nastier consequences, and explain to the otherwise clueless young aristocrat why this particular intellectual luminary he was about to visit or that particular church he was seeing was important. Indeed, manuals for tutors at the time advised the tutor to keep his aristocratic charge away from the three bad W’s: “Wein, Weiber, Wiirfel” (wine, women, and dice).' The young men hired were frequently those who had achieved a diploma in theology, since there was an enormous surplus of them (thus driving their price down), and because it was felt that such novice divines would be the proper moral accompaniment for a young, impressionable, wealthy aristocrat out for the first time on his own (and who, after all, was destined to become a patriarchal figure to his peasantry after his father departed the scene). As far as such things went, such tours were the kinds of things that young theologians often desired since they gave them a chance to be introduced to society and to see the world for themselves. Schelling, for example, himself was hired to accompany a young noble on a tour of England and France, and although he was originally quite enthusiastic about this opportunity, his enthusiasm dampened after the revolutionary upheavals of the time caused his employer to switch the itinerary to a tour of major German cities. Schelling ended up not with Paris and London but instead with Leipzig and Jena.
黑格尔的定期家庭教师是那时有学识青年典型的职业。在当时通行的教育制度下，许多贵族家庭甚至颇为富裕的资产阶级家庭争相为他们子女雇佣家庭教师。（例如，黑格尔在入斯图加特中学时就已请过一些家庭教师。）说到底，有学识青年立约受雇，为学前儿童提供教育或常常只是陪贵族子弟做大旅行之类的事，大旅行是当时德国贵族承袭英国人的一种做法。在大旅行期间，贵族子弟通常游览不同的名城要隘，拜会当地的文化名人，回到家时不但开了眼界而且可能在旅途中也获得些教育。近来情况却发生了变化：贵族们雇佣家庭教师，通常不是因为他们高度重视教育；正像经常出现的情况一样，年轻的家庭教师只是被用来留心他的少东家的不良习惯，使他们做高尚的人，向这些高人一等而年幼无知的贵族子弟解释，这类他们打算拜访的知识界特殊名人或这类他们将要看到的特殊教堂，其重要性何在。实际上，在那时的家庭教师指南上，建议家庭教师的责任在于，使贵族子弟远离以W开头的三个坏字，“Wein，Weiber，Witirfel”（酒、色、赌）。这些受雇青年人通常是那些已获得神学文凭者，这是因为这类青年大量过剩（故而他们只得低薪受雇），而且因为人们觉得，这些初出茅庐的牧师，从道德上说适合陪伴贵族子弟，这是因为贵族子弟年轻、敏感、富有，萌动着独立处事的活望（而且他们毕竟注定要子承父业独当一面）。就其本身而言，这种游历成了一种年轻的神学工作者所常常期望的事情，因为这种旅行使他们有机会了解社会和观察世界。举例来说，谢林本人曾受雇将陪一位贵族子弟去英格兰和法兰西旅游；他起初对这个机会满怀热情，但在那时的革命动乱后热情大减，因为革命使他的雇主改为去德国大城市旅游。谢林最终不是陪贵族子弟去游览巴黎和伦敦而倒是陪其去了莱比锡和耶拿。
Hegel was not so lucky: He was engaged not for a grand tour of the world or, for that matter, even for a venture to Leipzig, but instead simply to tutor two young children (ages six and nine) at home. Captain von Steiger was particularly interested in having the young tutor teach his children reformed religion, languages, history, geography, arithmetic, and music.^ Dismal as such a prospect might have seemed, it appealed to Hegel because it offered him both the excuse to conclude his studies in Tubingen early and the possibility of beginning his career as a Popularphilosoph^ a “popular philosopher,” the German equivalent of both the free spirited philosophes of the French Enlightenment and of the Scottish philosophers. Like the philosophes and their Scottish counterparts, the German “popular philosophers” set themselves the task of doing philosophy in a manner accessible to the educated public and of explaining to the general public the more demanding ideas of modern, enlightened philosophy (such as Kant’s). The idea behind the movement of the “popular philosophers” was that the widespread discussion and dissemination of such philosophical ideas would assist the overall Enlightenment goal of promoting the application of reason to human affairs. The expanding number of popular journals of culture also made it possible for such “popular philosophers” to earn money from writing articles. Although the honoraria for pieces published in such journals were certainly not on the grand scale, neither were they trivial.
黑格尔很是背运：他并没有受雇于世界大旅行，就此而言，甚或就连去莱比锡的机会也没有，反而只是在家辅导两个公子（一个6岁一个9岁）的功课。冯·施泰格尔上尉特别感兴趣聘用年轻家庭教师为他的子女讲授宗教改革、语言、历史、地理、算术和音乐。尽管这项工作看起来好像前景暗淡，却引起了黑格尔的兴趣，因为这使他有理由早点结束在图宾根的学习和使他有可能开始当一名PopularphilosopR即一名“通俗哲学家”，德国人将这样的通俗哲学家等同于法国启蒙运动中精神上自由的哲学家和苏格兰哲学家。像这样的哲学家和他们的苏格兰的对手一样，德国通俗哲学家用下列的一种方式来给他们自己提出任务：一种使受过教育的公众可以理解和能向一般公众讲清他们更需要现代具有启迪的哲学（例如康德哲学）思想的方式。“通俗哲学家”运动的潜台词是对这样的哲学思想广泛讨论和播撒将有助于促进理性在人类事务中的应用这一全部启蒙运动的目标。通俗文化杂志数量上的增加也使这样的“通俗哲学家”可通过写文章赚钱。但是发表在这样杂志上的文章稿酬既不是丰厚的也不是微不足道的。
The alternative to becoming a “popular philosopher” was getting a position at a university, but this was fraught with its own special difficulties. First, there was no clear way (besides being a member of a professor’s family) to gain a position in a German university, and second, the state of German universities at the time was, with few exceptions, so dismal that nobody with Hegel’s ambitions would have even desired such a position. Since the position of private tutor - Hofmeister was often taken as a good way for a young man to make contacts with the wider world, to be introduced into society, and to have time for his own scholarly work, a person like Hegel would naturally have been attracted to such a position. If nothing else, the position of Hofmeister held out the possibility of making a name for oneself with the people that counted, so that later one could lay claim to being the kind of learned gentleman who would be appropriate for a university post, if such a thing became desirable.
想当一名“通俗哲学家”，此选择需要得到一个大学职位，但是这条路充满它自己特有的困难。首先，没有明确的方法（除了成为教授大家庭中的一员之外）使人去获得一个德国大学职位，其次，那时德国大学几乎无例外，它们的状况前景十分暗淡以致像黑格尔这样具有雄心壮志的人大概完全不会渴望得到这样的一个职位。因为家庭教师——Ho/eister——的职位常常被看作一条被年轻人借以接触更广阔世界的好途径，一条把年轻人领入社会的好途径，一条使年轻人能够有时间进行他们自己的学术研究的好途径，一个像黑格尔这样的人也许自然而然地受到了这样一个职位的吸引。如果说没有其他特别之处的话，家庭教师这个职位至少致使人们有可能使自己的名字为一些人记住，所以接下来，人们可以声称自己属于有学问的绅士之类，这样的绅士适合在大学工作，如果这样的工作是值得拥有的话。
Like so many other young intellectuals of that period (and even like Kant a generation before), Hegel thus began his career as a Hofmeister, and the experience did not exactly endear the aristocracy to him. The position was almost certain to disappoint him; in fact, the whole encounter led Hegel into a serious depression. Again, Hegel shared that experience with many young intellectuals of his generation. The position of Hofmeister was by the end of the eighteenth century racked with social stresses and contradictions: On the one hand, the Hofmeister was a servant, a domestic; on the other hand, he was not only more educated than the other domestics, he was almost certainly better educated than his employers. The husband and wife of the house therefore generally treated him only slightly better than the other, more lowly domestics, which is to say that they did not treat him well at all. (For example, one of the burning issues of the time for such families concerned whether the Hofmeister should eat with the family or with the servants.) For a young man like Hegel, who came from a family of good social status, such a position of social inferiority was especially grating.
像那个时期很多其他知识青年一样（甚至像之前的康德那代人一样），黑格尔因此以当家庭教师开始自己的职业生涯，这样的经历并不完全使他感到贵族的喜爱。这个职位几乎可以肯定是使他失望的；实际上，整个遭遇致使黑格尔变得非常沮丧。再者，黑格尔有着他那代很多知识青年共同具有的经历。家庭教师这个职位到18世纪末期因社会压力和矛盾而陷入窘迫的境地：一方面，家庭教师是仆从和佣人；另一方面，他们不仅仅比其他佣人受过更多的教育，他们几乎无疑在受教育程度上好于雇主。家庭中的丈夫和妻子因此一般待他们略好于其他人，更好于地位低下的佣人，也就是说丈夫和妻子对家庭教师根本不是很好。（例如，那时对于这样的家庭迫在眉睫的问题之一涉及家庭教师是应该跟雇主家人共同进餐还是跟仆人共同吃饭。）对于像黑格尔这样的来自于社会地位较好家庭的青年人来说，这样一个社会地位低下的职位听起来特别刺耳。
This position of being both socially below the husband and wife but slightly higher than the rest of the domestic staff also did not exactly endear the typical poor young Hofmeister to the other domestics, so he was generally alienated not only from the husband and wife but from the other domestics as well, and indeed quite often was treated by them with rudeness bordering on contempt. Even in those situations where he was treated much better than the other domestics and was even allowed to eat with the family instead of with the other domestics, he was still clearly a social inferior and was always treated as such. The literature of the time abounds with anecdotes of incidents in which a Hofmeister unwittingly oversteps the social boundaries and assumes a familiarity with the family to which he is not entitled and for which he is immediately and publicly humiliated and rebuffed. Moreover, the children whom he was teaching quite often also held him in disconcertingly low regard, since they had often internalized not only a sense of their own social superiority but also an understanding that they would one day be running things whether they were educated or not, hence making his admonitions to behave and do their lessons seem quite irrelevant. Quite often he became against his own wishes the unhappy mediator between not only the children and their parents but between the parents themselves. Along with all that, the position came with low pay and absolutely no job security.
家庭教师这个职位低于家庭中丈夫和妻子的社会地位而略高于家庭其余人员的社会地位，这样的职位同样也无法使这些典型的贫穷的年轻家庭教师受到其他佣人的喜爱，所以家庭教师一般不仅疏远家庭中丈夫和妻子而且也疏远家里的其他佣人，实际上家庭教师经常遭到他们以近似侮辱的方式粗暴对待。甚至在家庭教师待遇远远好于其他佣人甚至缺乏责亡i勺〔足[更雇主象熹人而茸鬓跟〕匡嗲也{j寺…丨\共同京婪l亡餐′卜盲况下'家庭教师仍然明显具有较低的社会地位和总是遭到他们以近乎侮辱的方式粗暴对待。那时文学作品中充满关于家庭教师的趣闻轶事，在这些趣闻轶事中家庭教师无意中跨越了社会阶层的界线，妄想自己是熟悉自己无资格成为其中成员的家庭的、因此家庭教师立即遭到羞辱和公开地冷遇。尚不止于此，家庭教师所教的孩子们同样也常常让家庭教师自认为因受到弟子的小瞥而感到狼狈不堪，原因在于，这些孩子常常不仅把他们自己的社会地位优越感内化，而且他们也明白无论自己是不是受过教育终将有一天会飞黄腾达，因此让家庭教师去劝告他们循规蹈矩地做事和做功课看来好像是白费力气。常常他们违反自己意愿，不仅充当子女与父母之间的令自己苦不堪言的调解人，而且充当许多父母间的令自己苦恼的调解人。与所有这些一起，还有就是这个职位薪水较低，绝对毫无工作保障。
The results of such a set of tensions and contradictions were predictable. The isolation, the petty humiliations, and the insecurity common to the position of Hofmeister led regularly to bouts of resignation, depression, and crushing loss of self-confidence among such young men and Hegel was no exception. By the end of the eighteenth century, not only was this becoming increasingly noted in the literature surrounding the institution of the Hofmeister^ the Hofmeisters themselves were be- coming both very self-conscious regarding their bad treatment and very critical of the institution itself -^
这样的一系列紧张与矛盾所带来的结果是可想而知的。家庭教师这个职业通常具有的孤独、地位卑微和无保障，常常有规律地导致这样的青年人的一次次辞职、沮丧和自信彻底丧失——黑格尔当然也概莫能外。到18世纪末，围绕着家庭教师这个为人熟悉的职业不仅日益变得受到某些文学作品的关注，而且家庭教师自己也十分清楚地意识到这种糟糕的待遇和对这个为人熟悉的职业本身的严厉批评。
More importantly, Hegel had been imbued from his early Stuttgart days with the ideals of Bildung, that is, of education and self-cultivation, of becoming a man of knowledge and good taste, and he had fused his commitment to Bildung with his ideals of the Revolution as a moral and spiritual renewal of the German people. Hegel was the young man who had excerpted Moses Mendelssohn’s essay “What Is Enlightenment?” in his teenage journal and had noted how Mendelssohn had virtually equated Enlightenment itself with Bildung, the idea of education as the cultivation of taste and good judgment. During his stay at the university, which had coincided with his passionate endorsement of the French Revolution, he had, like many other young men of his generation, come to think of the revolutionary moral and spiritual renewal of Germany in terms of establishing a new elite of educated leaders (men of Bildung) to rule the country. In Hegel’s mind, the new revolutionary order would bring about a state of affairs in which men of learning, taste, and cultivation would be running things instead of the undereducated, pompous, corrupt aristocracy represented by families such as the von Steigers.
更为重要的是，黑格尔早在斯图加特日子里就已深受教养这样的理想影响，也就是说，就已深受教育和自我修养这样的理想影响、就已深受做一个有知识和趣味高尚的人这样的理想的影响，他早已把他对教养的承诺跟他关于法国大革命的理想精合成德国人一种道德和精神的重生。黑格尔这位年轻人在青年时期日记中对莫泽斯·门德尔松“什么是启蒙？”这篇论文作了摘录，并且强调门德尔松怎样实际上把启蒙运动本身等同于教养，把教育这个概念当作品味和良好判断的培养看待。在始终伴随着对法国大革命的热烈支持的大学生活期间，他像他那代很多其他年轻人一样着手按照确立由新的精英式知识型领导者（有教养者）统治这个国家来思考革命性巨变给德国带来道德和精神上的重生。在黑格尔心目中，新的革命秩序将会造成形势的变化，因此那些有学识有品位有修养的人们将会飞黄腾达，而那由诸如冯·施泰格尔家这样的家庭所代表的贵族，因其未受良好教育傲慢浮华腐化没落而做不到飞黄腾达。
The idea itself of Bildung was one of those things that was in the air at the time and came with considerable controversy attached to it. By Hegel’s time, the idea had been distinguished from that of Erziehung, education. Bildung incorporated within itself the notion of true education and cultivation as in turn demanding self-formation. As it were, one could become educated (in the passive tense, represented by the term Erziehung), but one had to make oneself'mto a cultivated-educated person (in the active tense, represented by the term Bildung)."* Bildung required self-activity, self-development, and self-direction.
教养这个概念本身是在那时那些空中楼阁式东西中的一个，随同教养概念而来的是与教养相连的相当大的争论。到黑格尔时代，教养这个概念被区别于Erziehung即教育这个概念。教养本质上反过来把真教育和修养概念合并成人们要求自我建构。可以说，（从由教育这一术语所代表的被动语态角度看）一个人可能受过教育，但是（从由教育这一术语所代表的主动语态角度看）一个人却必须使自己成为一个有教养的受过教育的人。教养要求人们自发活动、自我发展和自我指导。
In Hegel’s day, one of the major issues about the nature of Bildung was its relation to Enlightenment. Was a cultivated-educated person also an enlightened person? Although some thought that the two were distinct, many suspected that in fact they were so essentially linked that the call for young men to acquire Bildung was ipso facto a call for them to become “enlightened,” which in turn for the more retrograde elements of German life, was itself tantamount to a demand to make them into French revolutionaries, perhaps even into Jacobins intent on mur- dering the aristocracy and the leaders of the church. Mendelssohn, after all, had identified Bildung with Enlightenment, and Kant had claimed that to be enlightened was equivalent to thinking for oneself, and to many of the retrogrades, that in itself was equivalent to Jacobinism. Needless to say, this debate was also joined by those who wished to distinguish “true” Bildung from “false” or “corrupted” Bildung, that is, true self-cultivation from that kind that led one to become a revolutionary or a democrat. There were cries against the idea of Bildung-, there were even suggestions that, with all the new “reading societies” springing up across what still counted as the Holy Roman Empire, a new disease, that of “reading addiction” {Lesesucht), was arising, an ailment which was believed likely to strike impressionable young students, loose women, servants not properly respectful of their masters, and other questionable sorts of people.^
在黑格尔时代，有关教养本质的主要问题之一是教养与启蒙运动的关系。一个有修养的受过教育的人也是一个开明的人吗？一些人认为二者是有区别的，但是很多人认为其实它们之间存在着非常重要的联系，也就是说，要求年轻人获得教养实际上就是要求他们成为“开明的人”，这样的要求本身对于德国人生活中较为反常的元素来说反倒是相当于要求促使他们投身于法国大革命，甚或促使他们投入意在谋杀贵族和宗教领袖的雅各宾派怀抱。门德尔松毕竟早已认为教养与启蒙运动相关联，而且康德早已声称开明等同于独立思考，在很多智者的人看来，这样的看法本质上等同于雅各宾主义。不用说，这种争论被那些人加入，他们想要区别“真的”教养和“假的”或“拙劣的”教养，也即想要区别真的自我修养和那种能让人成为革命者或民主主义者的自我修养。有人大声反对教养；甚至有人提出，新的“阅读社”在那仍然被算作神圣罗马帝国的土地上到处涌现，但是一种新的病症或一种“读书癖”（Lesesucht）病症在逐渐兴起，它作为一种疾病很可能据信突然侵袭易受影响的年轻学生、思想解放的女性、那些不能彬彬有礼地尊敬主人的仆人以及其他种类有问题的人们。
One of the most striking characteristics about the idea of Bildung, of course, was that it transcended the idea of the old society of orders, of “estates” to which one belonged by birth, much as the earlier French idea of a “man of letters” had done.® To be a person of Bildung had nothing to do with one’s birth but with how one directed and formed oneself; men (and women) of Bildung thus had a claim to status that directly contradicted the traditional claims of birth and estate. A man like Hegel could claim, for example, to be the kind of person who had the “right” to be at the center of things by virtue of how he had made himself into a cultivated-educated man, independent of whether his family was or was not a member of the Ehrbarkeit of Wiirttemberg, and certainly independent of whether he had been born into any kind of aristocratic patriciate (such as was the case with the ruling class in Berne, including the von Steiger family). Nor was the idea of Bildung as something that legitimated claims to leadership or to ruling status confined to the bourgeoisie in their conflict over status with the nobility; the men who claimed Bildung for themselves were usually laying claim to an elite status that separated them both from nobility and from what they often took to be the philistine bourgeoisie. The man of Bildung often took himself to be “above” both the nobility and bourgeoisie.
教养这个概念的最惹人注目的特征之一当然是它超越了旧有的社会秩序这个概念，它超越了一个人天生所属的“社会等级”这个概念，几乎等同于法国较早的“文人”这个概念所具有的含义。想成为一个有教养的人，与一个人的出身毫无关系，而与一个人如何指导自己和如何塑造自己有关；有教养的男子（和女子）因此声称要拥有一种与家庭出身和社会等级这些传统要求直接相反的社会地位。举例来说，一个像黑格尔这样的人可能主张要成为这样一种人，他有“权利”借助某种东西使自己成为众星捧月的人物，这种东西就是他这么早已使自己成为有教养的受过教育的人，就是他这么早已使自己不受无论他的家庭是还是不是符腾堡受人尊敬一员的限制，当然就是他这么早使自己不受他是不是出身于任何种类的贵族阶层（例如他是不是出身于伯尔尼统治阶级，包括冯·施泰格尔家族）的限制。教养这个概念也不是作为某种关于领导地位的合法要求的东西或某种关于局限于资产阶级在与贵族地位发生冲突时对统治地位的合法要求的东西；那些自认为具有教养的人通常都主张，精英地位区别他们和贵族，区别他们和他们常常被看作的平庸的资产阶级。有教养的人常常自认为“高于”贵族和资产阶级。
Tubingen, Hegel had come to identify the French Revolution with moral and spiritual renewal and, under the influence of his admiration for ancient Greece, to equate it with the coming reign of beauty and freedom. For Hegel as for many others, the idea of Bildung fused into this revolutionary-Greek ideal; it was thought that a revolution in Germany would lead to the displacement from leadership of people like the von Steigers and to their replacement with people like Hegel, men of Bildung. For Hegel, the son of a ducal functionary, whose family were people of note (if not “notables”) in Wiirttemberg, who was an educated-cultivated man, who had Bildung, to be treated as a lowly servant by a family that in his eyes represented a dying and corrupt social order with no right to be at the center of things - all this was destined not to sit particularly well with him.
早在图宾根时期，黑格尔就已开始认为法国大革命带来道德与精神的重生，并且在他所仰慕的古希腊影响下，他就已开始把法国大革命等同于正在到来的美和自由的主宰。像对于很多其他人一样，对于黑格尔来说，教养这一概念被融入这个革命的希腊人的理想；据认为，一场德国革命将会导致像冯·施泰格尔家族这样的人们的领导地位的更迭，将会导致他们将被像黑格尔这样有教养的人们所取代。对黑格尔来说，作为一位公爵官员的儿子，他的家庭当属图宾根的名门望族（如果说不属于“贵族”的话），他是一位受过教育的有教养的人，他具有教养，却被当作一个家庭地位低下的什人对待，家庭在他眼中代表着一种垂死的和腐朽的社会秩序，没有权利处于众星捧月的地位——所有这些都注定他格外不能接受。
Berne at the time was a self-styled “aristocracy” that in fact was an oligarchy ruled by a small set of families, the von Steigers among them. It had gradually taken control of the area surrounding it (the Vaud) and then suppressed all attempts by the inhabitants to break free of Bernese rule. The city indulged in the charade of “choosing” its town council by vote of a set of aristocratic families; in fact, the so-called election of which it claimed to be so proud was more a set of power plays by a familiar group of well-entrenched families who regarded their offices as matters of inheritance rather than as dependent on any kind of plebiscite. Not only was the family for which Hegel worked a member of this patrician oligarchy; worse, from his point of view, they were allied with the elements of the Berne patriciate who opposed the French Revolution and advocated an alliance with the Prussians and Austrians against the French. (Relatives of Captain von Steiger belonged to the Bernese “war party” advocating war with revolutionary France.) In one of those odd twists of fate, the young partisan of the Revolution thus found himself working for a family that stood for just about everything he opposed.
伯尔尼在那时自封为“贵族统治”，其实是由很少几个家族控制的寡头统治，冯·施泰格尔家族就是其中一个家族。它逐渐控制了它周围的区域（沃州），接着镇压了当地居民试图摆脱伯尔尼人统治的所有起义。伯尔尼城沉溺于凭借一系列贵族家庭的选举来“选择”它自己议会的游戏。实际上，这被伯尔尼城声称是如此自豪的所谓选举更像是由一组相互熟悉的根深蒂固家族所玩的一系列权力游戏，这样的家族把他们的官职当作世袭的而非取决于任何一种公民投票看待。不仅黑格尔所为其服务的家庭是贵族寡头统治家族中一员；而且，更糟糕的是，从他的观点看，贵族寡头统治家族与伯尔尼贵族成员结成联盟，伯尔尼贵族反对法国大革命，主张跟普鲁士人和奥地利人结成反法联盟。（冯·施泰格尔上尉亲戚属于伯尔尼主张跟革命的法国开战的“主战派”。）在这段奇特曲折人生经历中，年轻的法国大革命支持者因此发觉自己所为其工作的家庭立场恰好与他自己的立场完全对立。
The whole arrangement was bound to break down, and, sure enough, it eventually did. Apparently at first Hegel made a good impression on the family, and they got along quite well. (In the early stages of his stay in Berne, Hegel is mentioned approvingly in the family’s letters.)' Captain von Steiger even entrusted some oversight duties to him, and in one of Hegel’s letters at the time to Captain von Steiger, Hegel dutifully reports to him on household matters, on the return of a servant and von Steiger’s wife from a spa, on the progress of some workers at a gravel dig, and on a few other household matters.* Hegel therefore probably appeared to Captain von Steiger to be a man of good character, reliability, and standing, and certainly Hegel seems at first to have been trusted.^ But in contrast to the glowing mentions by Captain von Steiger about him, Hegel complained in a letter to Schelling that “I am not completely idle but my occupation, heterogeneous and often interrupted as it is, does not allow me to really come into my own,” thus echoing the typical Hofmeister’s complaint that he is forever at the arbitrary beck and call of his master and that his time is rarely his own.'® In any event, whatever amicable relations there had been between Hegel and Captain von Steiger at the outset of the arrangement seem to have withered away by the end of Hegel’s stay. Captain von Steiger’s brother remarked in a letter to him in November 1796 that he is “extremely displeased at the disagreement that the said Hegel has caused you,” that whatever it was that Hegel did was typical of Wiirttembergers, and that as a condition of not being so stupid “it’s necessary not to be [a Wiirttemberger].”" It thus seems that Hegel and the von Steigers were equally displeased with each other, and one can understand why.
家教协议必然会中止；毫无疑问，它最终中止了。显然起初，黑格尔给这家留下了良好的印象，黑格尔和这家人相处甚为融洽。（在住在伯尔尼早期阶段，黑格尔在这家人的通信中被以赞许的口吻提到过。）冯·施泰格尔上尉甚至委托他照料某些家庭事务，在黑格尔那时致冯·施泰格尔上尉一封信中，黑格尔尽职尽守地向他报告家庭事务：冯·施泰格尔夫人和仆人从矿泉疗养地归来、一些工人挖掘沙砾的进展和几件其他的家庭事务。黑格尔因此可能在冯·施泰格尔上尉看来像是一个品质优秀的可信赖的立场坚定的人，当然黑格尔似乎第一眼就使人对他产生信任感。但是与冯·施泰格尔上尉以热烈赞扬的口吻提及他截然不同，黑格尔在给谢林一封信中抱怨道：“我总是忙忙碌碌，但是我的工作，尽管五花八门和常常断断续续，却不允许我真正合理取得属于我自己的东西”，这因此反映着一种典型的家庭教师的抱怨，他永远唯主人之命是从，他的时间极少属于他自己的。“无论如何，不管黑格尔与冯·施泰格尔上尉之间的关系在签订家庭教师协议之初多么亲切友好，看来好像到黑格尔快要离开冯·施泰格尔上尉家时他跟上尉家人都已经变得形同陌路。冯·施泰格尔上尉的兄弟1796年11月在致冯·施泰格尔上尉一封信中写道：他“对由黑格尔促使你发表的不同看法极其生气”；无论黑格尔做的什么都只有符腾堡人才干得出来；凡是愚不可及者“必然是[一个符腾堡人]”。因此看来好像，黑格尔和冯·施泰格尔家人相互交恶，人们能够理解个中缘由。
The combination of generally depressing conditions involved in being a Hofmeister would probably by themselves have been enough to undermine the amicability of any such arrangement. That Hegel with his rather self-assertive personality might have been particularly unsuited for the position of Hofmeister had already been noted by the head of the Seminary at Tubingen. When von Steiger employed Hegel, the relevant authorities at the Seminary were not consulted about his appropriateness for the post, and in what seems to be an expression of pique about this, the Ephorus (head) of the Seminary, Ch. F. von Schnurrer, on learning of Hegel’s appointment, wrote to a friend in Holland that “I very much doubt whether [Hegel] has in the meantime learned to let himself patiently bear those sacrifices that always, at least at the beginning, are normally connected with the position of private tutor. He has been absent for almost the whole summer from the Seminary under the pretext of taking a cure, and his long residence at home, where he perhaps himself counts for more than his father, may surely be no real preparation for the not exactly unconstrained life of a Hofmeister."^^ Hegel’s rather headstrong nature (at least at this point in his life), to which Schnurrer s letter attests, only added fuel to what was already a combustible mixture.
通常因做家庭教师这份棘手工作而引起的五品俱全的令人沮丧状况可能自然而然足以逐渐瓦解任何这样的友好协议。性格刚强自用的黑格尔有可能特别不适合家庭教师这个职位，这早已被图宾根神学院领导注意到了。当冯·施泰格尔雇佣黑格尔的时候，神学院有关领导并没有对他是不是适合这个职位发表看法，由于似乎对此事表示不快，神学院Epihorus（院长）Ch.F.施努雷尔在得知关于黑格尔签约家庭教师时给一位荷兰友人信中写道：“我非常怀疑[黑格尔]是否在当时已经学会让他自己能够耐心地承受那些总是（至少在开始时）与家庭教师职位正常相连的牺牲。他打着治疗身体的幌子儿乎缺席了神学院整个夏季学期；由于他长时间待在家中（在家里他自己或许比父亲的地位更高），他确实没有为并非完全自觉自愿的家庭教师生活真正做好准备。”黑格尔颇为固执的禀性（至少在他人生这个阶段），这个被施努雷尔的信所证明了的禀性，只不过给已经成为可以燃烧的东西再添一把火。
However, despite the irritations, there were some compensations for Hegel at the von Steiger household. The massive collections of the Berne library were just down the street from the von Steigers’ city house, and Hegel almost certainly took advantage of that fact. Perhaps more importantly, the von Steiger family had a private library second to none in Europe. The library had been built by Captain von Steiger’s father, and it concentrated on the literature of the French and English Enlightenment. Hegel’s own master. Captain von Steiger, had made no substantial additions to it himself, despite the fact that having failed in politics - he was unsuccessful in an attempt to become the equivalent of mayor - he had retreated into a life supposedly devoted to Bildung and art (at least that is what he told himself).'-’ Thus the library had had no substantial additions made to it since the time of the elder von Steiger, with the result that, although the library contained quite a bit of pre-Kantian literature, it contained no Kant per se, and, needless to say, not a trace of Fichte.''' Hegel almost certainly used the Steiger library as a resource for his studies (when he had free time). During his period in Berne, he read, for example. Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, and he may well have read it in Captain von Steiger’s librarv. He also began an intensive study of the British economists, particularly Sir James Steuart and, probably at the same time, Adam Smith, whose ideas almost immediately began to have an enormous impact on his thought.'’ Indeed, he no doubt became acquainted with British culture and literature during this period in a way that was to influence him all his life. Captain von Steiger’s father, Christoph Steiger, was an unabashed Anglophile, making trips to London, Oxford, and Cambridge, and he had amassed an enviable collection of Englishlanguage books in his library (190 books in all, ranging from the wellknown figures of English literature to political, historical, and economic writings)."’ Hegel, who still wanted to be a popular philosopher, began exploring the works of English modernity in the von Steiger library, and he was later able to incorporate many of the ideas he encountered there into his more mature writings.
然而，尽管有些让人恼火的事，黑格尔在冯·施泰格尔家中却也获得一些补偿。伯尔尼图书馆里收藏着大量书籍，刚好顺着冯·施泰格尔城中住所前的街就可走到伯尔尼图书馆，而且黑格尔几乎肯定利用过这个图书馆。大概更为重要的是，冯·施泰格尔家里有当时欧洲首届一指的私人图书馆。图书馆由冯·施泰格尔上尉父亲建造，它收藏的法国和英国启蒙运动文献最全。黑格尔他自己的东家冯·施泰格尔上尉本人没有给图书馆增添实质性的书籍，尽管有着政治上失败这个事实——他试图当上相当于市长的官未能如愿——他一头扎进一种据称致力于教养和艺术的生活（至少这是他自我表白的），因而这个图书馆自冯·施泰格尔年迈以来没有增添实质性的书籍，结果是，图书馆中藏有很多前康德时期文献典籍，但是图书馆中未藏有康德本人著作，不用说，就连费希特著作的影子也看不到。黑格尔几乎肯定把施泰格尔图书馆当作他研究资料的来源使用（当他有空闲时间的时候就到图书馆中看书）。举例来说，在伯尔尼期间，他阅读过吉本的《罗马帝国衰亡史》，而且他可能在冯·施泰格尔上尉图书馆仔细地阅读过《罗马帝国衰亡史》。他同样也着手对不列颠经济学家特别是圣詹姆斯·斯图亚特可能同时还有亚当·斯密做了密切研究，这两位经济学家的思想几乎立刻开始对他的思想产生巨大影响。实际上，他在这段时间无疑通过一种必将影响他一生的方式来了解不列颠的文化和文学。冯·施泰格尔上尉的父亲克里斯托夫·施泰格尔是一位公开的亲英派，曾到过伦敦、牛津和剑桥旅行；他搜集到了令人羡慕的英文书籍并藏于他的图书馆中（总共190本，涉及从众所周知的英国文学人物到政治作品、历史作品和经济作品）。黑格尔，一心想做一名通俗哲学家的黑格尔，着手仔细研究冯·施泰格尔图书馆中英国现代性著作，他后来得以把在那里偶然读到的很多思想融入他更为成熟的著作。
There were also other compensations and gratifications to Bernese life. Hegel made friends with a fellow Stuttgarter, a painter named Johann Valentin Sonnenschein. They spent happy evenings together with acquaintances at Sonnenschein’s place, often singing together around the piano one of the pre-Beethoven settings of Schiller’s poem “Ode to Joy.” Hegel also reported to Schelling in a letter that he had made the acquaintance of a Silesian, Konrad Engelbert Oelsner, who had been reporting from Paris in the German journal Minerva on the events of the Revolution, and who himself had already begun to despair about the course that the Revolution had been taking in the years since the uprising of 1789.’’ (Oelsner himself was later to remark in reference to a translation of the Abbe Sieyes’ work by another later acquaintance of Hegel’s, Johann Gottfried Ebel, that “the burgher of Frejus and the teacher of Konigsberg form an immense chain of thought, from the coasts of the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea. Calvin and Luther, Sieyes and Kant, a Frenchman and a German, reform the world.”'* Such ideas were to become part of Hegel’s own repertoire.) In May of 1795, Hegel visited Geneva; in July of 1796 he took a long hike in the Bernese Alps with some fellow Germans. (Hegel’s recorded impressions of the hike are revealing: The young follower of Rousseau found that although Nature as an idea excited him, nature as a reality did not; for the rest of his life, he was almost always to prefer urban life to the life of the great outdoors, however much in his youth he continued at least to profess a kind of Rousseauian appreciation for Nature.)
对于伯尔尼生活还得到其他的补偿和满足。黑格尔同斯图加特一个同龄人建立了友谊，他是一位名叫约翰·瓦伦·松嫩沙因的画家。他们俩与一些熟人在松嫩沙因住处共同度过很多愉快的夜晚，常常围着钢琴一起演唱席勒诗贝多芬曲的《欢乐颂》。黑格尔同样也在一封信中向谢林汇报他结识一个名叫康拉德·恩格尔贝，厄斯纳的西里西亚人，他在德国《密诺瓦》杂志上报道了来自巴黎的法国大革命事件，他本人已经开始对法国大革命自1789年起义以来的岁月里一直在采取的行动方针感到绝望”（厄斯纳本人后来在提到由黑格尔的后来另一个熟人约翰，戈特弗里德·埃贝尔翻译的阿贝·西哀士著作时评论道：“弗雷瑞斯的市民和柯尼斯堡的教师构想出一个从地中海沿岸到波罗的海庞大的思想链。加尔文和路德，西哀士和康德，一个法国人和一个德国人，改造了世界。”“这样的思想注定成为黑格尔自己整个思想的组成部分。）在1795年5月，黑格尔访问了日内瓦；1796年7月，他和一些德国同胞在阿尔卑斯山伯尔尼段进行了长途徒步旅行。（黑格尔就这次徒步旅行所记录的感想表明：这位年轻的卢梭追随者发觉，大自然作为思想使他兴奋但是作为现实的自然却没有使他兴奋；在他一生中，他几乎总是更爱都市生活而非广阔的野外生活，不管在年轻时他多么一直至少表示一种卢梭主义的对大自然的欣赏。）
The Revolution and its implications, however, dominated much of his thought. In Germany, all the various discontents that had been welling up for years were beginning to take on a new significance for the Germans themselves in the light of the French Revolution, and, naturally enough, there were many articles and discussions about whether an event such as the Revolution could happen in Germany itself. There were those who argued that the Germans were too religious and that the so-called Third Estate that had existed and led the revolution in France (at least in the way that Abbe Sieyes described it) did not have the same status in Germany; there were also German Jacobins who hoped for a full-dress upheaval in the German principalities. Like other Germans (and like Oelsner himself), Hegel was beginning to experience some consternation about what was going on in France. Hegel’s own Girondist sympathies were strengthened when he learned of the guillotining of Carrier; in a letter to Schelling, he concluded that it “has revealed the complete baseness of Robespierre’s party.”'’ However, Hegel s basic stance towards the events and issues surrounding the Revolution continued to be the one that he had developed in Tubingen. The Revolution held out the possibility of moral and spiritual renewal of what he understood to be the corruption of German social and cultural life. His earlier interest in what would be required generally for there to be the kind of moral and spiritual renewal he longed for became increasingly connected to considerations of the ways in which social institutions and practices had to be changed if such renewal were even to be possible. In particular, the ecclesiastical orthodoxy ruling Wiirttemberg in general and Tubingen in particular began to seem more and more onerous. In a letter to Schelling, he concluded that “orthodoxy is not to be shaken as long as the profession of it is bound up with worldly advantage and interwoven with the totality of a state.Using the watchwords that he and his Tubingen friends had used at the university, he declaimed to Schelling, “May the kingdom of God come, and our hands not be idle. . . . Reason and freedom remain our password, and the invisible church our rallying point.
然而法国大革命及其蕴含的东西大体上支配着他的思想。在德国，所有多年来一直在涌现的各色各类的不满开始使德国人根据法国大革命来赋予自己一种新的重要性，十分自然地出现了很多关于诸如法国大革命这样的事件是不是可能在德国本土发生这样的文章和探讨。有些人坚称，德国过于宗教化了，那（至少以阿贝，西哀士所描述的方式）早已存在且导致法国大革命的所谓第三等级在德国不具有相同的地位；还有德国的雅各宾俱乐部成员希望德国公国天下大乱。像其他德国人（像厄斯纳自己）一样，黑格尔开始对法国何去何从感到某种惊恐。黑格尔在得知卡里耶上了断头台时增强了自己对吉伦特派的同情；在致谢林信中，他断定卡里耶之死“使得罗伯斯比尔派的卑劣行为暴露无遗”。可是黑格尔对于围绕法国大革命的事件和问题所持的基本立场继续坚持他在图宾根时所阐明的立场：法国大革命证明人们有可能使他所理解的德国社会生活和文化生活的腐败在道德重生和精神重生。他早期对人们应该普遍要求的那种被他渴望的道德和精神上脱胎换骨的东西非常感兴趣，这样的兴趣日益变得是与人们借以考虑必须改变社会制度和习俗的方式相联系的，如果说这样的重生注定是完全可能的话。特别是，那通常统治着符腾堡特别是统治着图宾根的教会正统观念开始显得使人们思想上越来越不堪重负。在一封致谢林信中，他断定“正统信仰必定是不会动摇的，条件是对正统信仰的表示是和世俗的利益有密切关系的，是和整个国家交织在一起的。”借助使用那被他及其图宾根朋友在大学里使用的暗语，他向谢林倾诉说：“上帝王国可能到来，我们的双手不可能闲着不动……理性和自由仍然是我们的口令、看不见的教堂仍然是我们的聚集点。”
Nonetheless, during this period Hegel continued to see the Revolution and his own attempt at playing a role in it in Germany in terms of a new Reformation. In light of his new dedication to Kantianism, he remarked to Schelling: “From the Kantian philosophy and its highest completion I expect a revolution in Germany. It will proceed from principles that are present and that only need to be elaborated generally and applied to all hitherto existing knowledge.Of course, Hegel was not really imagining the masses, armed with Kant’s Critiques, storming some German Bastille as much as he was looking for a system of thought that would unite politics and religion and lead to the establishment of something like the idealized Greek polls that he and friends had first begun to imagine in Tubingen. Still, he found that whatever his ambitions, he was getting nowhere; to Schelling, he raised his usual lament: “My remoteness from various and sundry books and the limitation on my time do not allow me to work out many of the ideas that I carry around with me.”^^
然而，在这个时期，根据新的宗教改革，黑格尔继续领会法国大革命和他自己在法国大革命期间尝试在德国扮演的角色。鉴于他对康德哲学的新奉献，他对谢林说：“从康德哲学问世到它达到鼎盛时期，我期待着期间在德国出现一场革命。德国革命离不开一些原理，这些原理只不过通常需要被详尽阐述和被应用于所有迄今为止的知识。”当然，黑格尔确实并不设想那用康德的《批判》武装起来的民众强攻德国的巴士底监狱，同样他也确实没有寻找一种这样的思想体系，它将会使政治和宗教结合起来，将会致使像那理想化的希腊城邦一样的东西得以建立，他及其朋友首次在图宾根时期开始设想出这种理想化的希腊城邦。更有甚者的是，他发觉不管他抱有何种志向，他都找不到任何实现志向的地方；对谢林，他通常只是抱怨：“我和各种不同的书籍沾不上边，受时间的限制使我不能够提出我随时可以形成的很多想法。”
Disappointed with his own lack of progress and feeling isolated, Hegel had also acquired a clear and distinct disdain for the corruption of the aristocratic Bernese system he was seeing at close hand, noting to Schelling that “to get to know an aristocratic constitution one must have gone through a winter such as is encountered here before” the Bernese go through their charade of elections.His absolute scorn for the inequities and half-witted ways of the Bernese oligarchy and its political system - which, as a member of the von Steiger household, he got to observe firsthand — led him to translate and publish (with an attached, anonymous commentary) a pamphlet written by a Frenchspeaking Swiss, Jean-Jacques Cart, in which the Bernese aristocracy was castigated as being the oppressor of the inhabitants of the Vaud in full violation of all their traditional rights. What interested Hegel was Cart’s story about the decline of freedom in the Vaud; The people of the Vaud were initially a free people but gradually lost their freedom, not because of any lack of virtue on their own part but simply and solely because of German-speaking Bernese oppression. In his commentary, Hegel noted that although the people of the Vaud had been given tax relief to compensate them for their loss of freedom, such compensation is necessarily completely unsatisfactory for all those who genuinely value freedom. Those who assert that tax relief adequately compensates the loss of freedom only show, Hegel said with no small distaste, “how it is still very generally believed that enjoying no civil rights at all counts for much less than having a few less Thalers yearly in one’s wallet.In the commentary, Hegel also heaped praise on the American revolutionaries: “The taxes that the English parliament put on tea imported into America were extremely small; however, what made the American revolution was the Americans’ feeling that the wholly insignificant sum that the taxes would have cost them would at the same time have been the loss of their most important rights.Hegel also commented (no doubt on the basis of personal experience) on the complete lack of any real legality in Berne, something only barely obscured by the pretense of what passed for legal process in the city. Hegel published the pamphlet anonymously in 1798 (after he had left Berne and was living in Frankfurt); it was his first published work. (Curiously enough, Hegel told very few people about this episode; when Hegel’s own copy of the pamphlet was discovered among his personal papers after his death, even his own family did not know that it had been written by him, and it was auctioned off as an anonymous work.)
黑格尔对打不开局面大失所望，感到孤立无援，同时显然确实也蔑视他眼皮底下的伯尔尼贵族制度的腐败，他向谢林着重强调：“为着手了解贵族体制，人们谅必度过了整整一个冬天，例如人们通常应该在‘伯尔尼人完成他们的选举游戏’之前住在伯尔尼。”他对伯尔尼寡头统治及其政治制度的不公平和弱智方式的极端鄙视——这样的不公平和弱智方式是他作为一名冯·施泰格尔家成员经常直接观察到的——致使他去翻译和出版（附有匿名评论的）由讲法语瑞士人让雅克·卡特撰写的小册子，在这本小册子中伯尔尼贵族遭到严厉批评，因为他们作为奥州居民的压迫者完全违背了奥州居民全部的传统权利。使黑格尔发生兴趣的是卡特关于奥州自由衰微的描述：奥州人起初是自由民但后来逐渐失去了自由，原因不在于他们身上缺乏美德而只是且唯独在于他们受到讲德语的伯尔尼人压迫。在评论中，黑格尔强调指出，奥州人可免缴税赋以此作为对他们失去自由的补偿，但是这样的补偿对于所有那些真心珍视自由的人来说未必是完全令人满意的。凡是断言减免税赋足以抵偿失去自由的人都只不过表明，黑格尔带着极其反感的口吻说道，“人们如何仍然通常相信完全没有享有公民权利的人数远低于每年钱包里只有少得可怜泰勒的人数。”在评论中，黑格尔同样对美国革命大加赞扬：“那被英国议会对进口美国茶叶征收的税额是微乎其微的；不过，导致美国革命的是使美国人觉得，虽然这笔茶叶税比起他们自己花费的总金额是完全微不足道的，但是同时却使他们自己丧失了最重要的权利。”黑格尔还（无疑基于个人经验）评论道，伯尔尼完全缺乏任何真正的合法性，这种状况仅仅被当作伯尔尼城诉讼程序的东西这一幌子勉强掩盖住了。黑格尔1798年（此时他已离开伯尔尼居住在法兰克福）匿名发表了这个小册子；它是他首个发表的著作。（十分奇怪，黑格尔只对很少人说过这个小插曲；当黑格尔自己的这本小册子原译稿在他死后被从他手稿中发现的时候，甚至就连他自己的家人也都不知道它出自他的手笔，它被当作一本匿名著作拍卖掉了。）
Probably generational conflicts too were being mirrored in Hegel’s distaste for the Bernese. He and his father had hotly disputed the Revolution, with his father — a non-noble minor functionary in a ducal court - taking the side of the aristocrats. In the Bernese system, Hegel would have thought he was seeing the full working out of what his father advocated. All the worse, he must have thought to himself.
很可能两代人的冲突也正反映在了黑格尔对伯尔尼人的反感上。他和父亲曾就法国大革命问题发生过激烈争论，因为他的父亲——一个大公国法院中地位卑微的职员——站在贵族一边。通过伯尔尼的体制，黑格尔当然认为完全看清了父亲拥护的东西。最糟糕的是，他想必自以为他自己的想法是正确的。
The picture of Hegel’s situation that emerges is, of course, fairly comical. Hegel the young revolutionary, devoted to Bildiing^ imagining himself a man of letters, finding himself living with an arch-reactionary family opposed to the Revolution and which pretentiously thinks of itself as devoted to Bildung, all the w hile failing to keep its great private library current with the latest in philosophy; and, having no real free time to write anything very original, the young Hofmeister secretly translating in his free time an anti-Bernese pamphlet attacking the quasi-feudal system from which that very family profits (all the while singing “Freude, schone Gdtterfunken” at Sonnenschein’s residence).
黑格尔处境的真实写照当然相当滑稽可笑，黑格尔这位年轻的革命者，献身于教育，自以为是文人，发觉自己生活在一个极端反动的与法国大革命势不两立的家庭里，这样一个家庭还煞有介事地把它当作献身于教育看待，却一直未能使它私人大图书馆收藏当前最新的哲学书籍；由于没有真正的空闲时间去写任何极具原创性的东西，这个年轻的家庭教师在空余时间秘密地翻译一本反伯尔尼人的小册子，这本小册子抨击了恰是有益于他家庭标准的封建制度（这个年轻的家庭教师在松嫩沙因住处时一直在吟唱“愉快的美好的神的火花”（席勒《欢乐颂》））。
Hegel, however, was in no position to see any comedy in the situation. In his letter to Schelling, he laments his “remoteness from the showplaces of literary activity” and describes how he “longs very much for a situation - not in Tubingen - where I could bring to fruition what I formerly let slip by, and could even on occasion set my hand to work.”^’ In stark contrast with his own isolated, unproductive existence in Berne, his old friend Schelling had in the meantime left Tubingen and staged a meteoric rise in German intellectual life after having landed at Jena, where the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte was electrifying packed audiences with his thoughts on the development of post-Kantian philosophy. Holderlin had already written Hegel about his having attended Fichte’s overwhelmingly popular lectures at Jena, and Schelling continued to write him enthusiastic letters about all the things he had read, was reading, and was thinking about (Kant, Fichte, the nature of self - all of the things Hegel was wishing he could read and write about himself). Hegel could only dejectedly reply to Schelling that he was just getting around to looking at these things, and, despondent about his own lack of progress, note to Schelling that in contrast with Schelling’s astounding productivity and early fame, “my works are not worth speaking of."
可是，黑格尔不可能看出这种处境下的任何带有喜剧色彩的东西。在他致谢林信中，他哀叹自己“远离了文学活动舞台”并描述他多么“十分渴望谋得一个职位——不是在图宾根谋得一个职位——由于这个职位我可以去享受我以前错过的东西，甚至可能有机会着手工作。”与他自己在伯尔尼孤立无援、碌碌无为的生存形成鲜明对比，他的老友谢林与此同时离开了图宾根，到了耶拿后在德国知识界迅速声名鹊起，在耶拿哲学家约翰·哥特利布·费希特因其关于后康德哲学发展的思想成果使济济一堂的听众非常兴奋。荷尔德林早已写信告诉黑格尔他在耶拿听了费希特的极受欢迎的讲座；谢林继续写给他热情洋溢的信件，信中讲到所有他那时已读正在读正在思考的东西（康德、费希特、自我的本质——所有的黑格尔希望他自己能够读到和写到的东西）。黑格尔只能沮丧地回复谢林，他只是在着手考察这些东西；由于对他自己原地徘徊感到沮丧，他向谢林强调指出，与谢林令人惊叹的著述甚丰和少年成名相比，“我的著作不值一提”。
Hegel’s depressed mood was evident, and both Holderlin and Schelling picked it up in his letters. Seeking to help his old friend, Holderlin began looking for a position for Hegel in Frankfurt; discovering that a prosperous wine merchant, Gogel, was seeking a Hofmeister for his children, Holderlin managed to maneuver an offer of the job to Hegel. He announced this triumphantly to Hegel: the working conditions, he told Hegel, are really quite good, and “you will drink very good Rhine wine or French wine at the table. You will live at one of the most beautiful houses in Frankfurt, on one of the most beautiful squares in the city, Rossmarktplatz.” His employers, the Gogel family, are, Holderlin assured him, quite sociable, “free of pretension and prejudice,” who “prefer not to associate with Frankfurt society folk, with their stiff ways and poverty of heart and spirit.”^’ And, of course, best of all, the position is in Frankfurt^ a bustling commercial center. Indeed, Hblderlin assured Hegel, “by next spring you will once again become the old man” (his nickname at Tubingen).The deep emotion Holderlin felt about being able to reunite with his old friend was only too evident: I am, he told Hegel, “a man who has remained faithful to you in heart, memory, and spirit despite rather variegated transformations in his situation and character, who will be your friend more deeply and warmly than ever, who will freely and willingly share every moment of life with you, whose situation lacks nothing but you to complete its happiness ... I truly need you, dear friend, and I believe you will be capable of needing me as well.”
黑格尔情绪消沉是非常明显的，荷尔德林和谢林两人在信中对此都有所提及。为试图帮助老友，荷尔德林着手为黑格尔在法兰克福寻找一个职位；在发现一个富裕的葡萄酒商戈格尔在为子女寻找一名家庭教师后，荷尔德林就设法为黑格尔弄到这份工作。他洋洋得意地对黑格尔说：工作条件确实很好，他告诉黑格尔，“你可以在餐桌上饮上好莱茵葡萄酒或法国葡萄酒。你将住上法兰克福最漂亮房子，坐拥城中最美丽的广场之一罗斯马克特广场”，他的雇主戈格尔一家，荷尔德林向他保证，很喜欢交际，“不图虚荣没有偏见”，这家人“宁可不与法兰克福人交往，也不愿忍受他们傲慢作风和心灵与精神的贫困。”当然，这个地点是全法兰克福最好的，地处繁华商业中心。实际上，荷尔德林向黑格尔保证，“到下一个春天你将会复又成为老人”（他在图宾根的绰号）。这种为荷尔德林对于将能与老友重聚所意识到的深深情感是非常明显的：他告诉黑格尔，我是“一个依然在心中在记忆里在精神上忠诚于你的人，尽管他的处境和品格发生了脱胎换骨的变化，但是这个人却愿成为你比以前更深沉更热情的朋友，这个人将自由地自愿地与你分享生命中的每一时刻，这个人的处境中只是有了你才有完满的快乐……我真的需要你，亲爱的朋友；我相信你也将会需要我。”
Hblderlin warmly concluded: “I would still have much to tell you, but your coming here must be the preface to a long, long, interesting, imscholarly book by you and me.”^’ Holderlin, already undergoing much personal difficulty in his own life, clearly was looking forward to Hegel, his truest friend, joining him in Frankfurt.
荷尔德林在这封信结尾处动情地写道：“我仍然将有很多东西要告诉你，但是你的到来必然成为一篇由你我撰写的书的序言，而且这本很长很长的书是非常有趣的无学究味的。”荷尔德林，已经历经了生活中许多个人困难的荷尔德林，显然在期待着黑格尔这位他最忠实的朋友与他相聚法兰克福。
