The Protestant Seminary in Tubingen
Disappointments and Charms of University Life
第2章 图宾根新教神学院
对大学生活的失望与大学的魅力
Hegel could not help but have been disappointed with his circumstances at Tubingen University when he arrived there. The university, which had enjoyed a fairly glorious past, had gone into steep decline and was in danger of ceasing to exist altogether. In 1769 Karl Eugen had decided to rename the university after himself; instead of being called the Eberhard University (named after Duke Eberhard, who had founded the university in 1477), it was to be known henceforth as the Eberhard-Karls University. However, despite its renaming, Tubingen University remained at the time a bastion of outmoded thought and courses of instruction, differing very little in this regard from most other German universities at the time. Nepotism was also rampant in Tubingen, another unfortunate feature it shared with the other German universities; the professors there tended to come from a small number of families who intermarried, with the fully predictable result of a drastic lowering of the overall quality of the professoriate.' Thus, by the time Hegel was ready to go to the university, universities in Germany had become the object of widespread contempt; they were seen as mere relics of an outmoded medieval scholasticism, where new knowledge was not produced, and as places where youth became corrupted by the anti-intellectual student culture of duels and drunkenness prevalent at most all of them. Universities remained semifeudal “corporations,” institutions governed by the professoriate, who were far more interested in exercising their inherited medieval privileges than in anything else, and who thus tended to resist strenuously all efforts to reform the universities. Moreover, like many other German universities, Tubingen maintained an idea of its educational mission as that of passing on orthodox, correct belief to its students, a pedagogical idea reinforced by the predominance of the theological faculty of the university.
黑格尔可能在到达图宾根大学时，不得不对图宾根大学环境感到大失所望。图宾根大学久负盛名，但是现已每况愈下，完全有停办之虞。1769年，卡尔·欧根决定以自己名字重新命名这所大学；它不是过去的所谓埃伯哈特大学（以1477年创办该校的埃伯哈特公爵命名），从今以后通常叫做埃伯哈特一卡尔斯大学。然而，尽管它被重新命名，图宾根大学依旧成了那时陈旧思想、讲授过时课程的堡垒，就此而论，它几乎与绝大多数其他德国大学毫无二致。任人唯亲同样在图宾根猖獗一时，这是它与那时其他德国大学共具的另一不幸的特点；那里的教授们往往近亲繁殖，完全可以预料到的是教授职位设立太多，教授水平低下。因而，截至黑格尔准备就读图宾根大学时，德国大学已普遍受到轻蔑；它们被看作过时的中世纪经院哲学的纯遗物，因为在那里新的知识无法产生，并被看作青年人堕落的场所，因为那时几乎所有大学都盛行决斗和酗酒，这种反知识学生文化致使青年颓废堕落。大学仍然带有半封建“行会”味道，大学中机构由教授们把持，他们感兴趣的是行使从中世纪继承下来的特权，而对其他东西毫无兴趣，他们因而倾向于竭力抵制改革大学。而且，跟许多其他德国大学一样，图宾根大学坚持把教育传教工作的理念，作为传承正统的理念，作为向学生灌输正确信仰的理念，这种教学理念为居于支配地位的图宾根大学神学院所强化。
For theses reasons, there were many people in Germany calling for the total abolition of universities and their replacement by more specialized academies of science and useful knowledge. Karl Eugen had tried to get Tubingen to modernize its teaching and its research, but finally gave it up as a lost cause and began to focus his energies on his own creation, the Karlsschule, also named for himself. The Karlsschule was typical of the new “academies” being formed at the time in opposition to the staid, theologically bound universities with their medieval charters and privileges and outmoded curricula. In 1782, Karl Eugen decided to promote the Karlsschule in Stuttgart to the rank of a university, and the Karlsschule began to drain off resources and energy from the university in Tubingen.
由于上述原因，有许多德国人要求彻底废除大学，用更加专业化的科学院和有用的知识来取代大学。卡尔·欧根试图使图宾根大学的教学和研究现代化，但是，终因败局已定而放弃了这一做法，着手集中精力创办他自己的卡尔学院(Karlsschule)，也是以他本人的名字命名的。卡尔学院是所一反那时的大学而建的典型的新“学院”，那时的大学死板老套，受着神学的束缚，具有中世纪的特点和特权以及陈旧的课程。1782年，卡尔·欧根决定把斯图加特卡尔学院升级为大学，卡尔学院开始逐渐从图宾根大学拿走一些资源。
By the time Hegel arrived, there was little more to the university in Tubingen than the Protestant Seminary - the Stift - where he was to live and study. What was left of the law and medical faculties could not even be described as a skeleton crew. The fact that by 1788 the university itself had become more or less a mere appendage of the Protestant Seminary supposedly attached to it was, moreover, not something that further endeared it to its devout Catholic duke, Karl Eugen. Thus, Hegel arrived at a university that had the feel of someplace frozen in time, where somehow (and in great contrast to his Gymnasium in Stuttgart) the Enlightenment had not yet quite arrived. (The university was only to be saved by Karl Eugen’s death in 1793, his successor’s decision to rebuild the Tubingen university, and the subsequent transfer of the best minds of the Karlsschule to Tubingen.
截至黑格尔到达的时候，图宾根大学办学规模几乎不大于新教神学院——教会学院——他将要生活和学习的新教神学院。法学和医学系所剩的，甚至连一批最基本的教职员工都说不上。到1788年时，图宾根大学本身多少据称成了新教神学院的纯附属物。这种状况已无法使虔诚的信奉天主教的卡尔·欧根公爵再喜爱图宾根大学。因此，黑格尔到达了一所思想上刻板僵化的学校，由于种种原因（并且与他所在的斯图加特高中形成极大反差）启蒙运动的春风仍未刮到这里。（图宾根大学只是到了1793年卡尔·欧根死时才得到挽救，他的继任人决定重塑图宾根大学，随后把卡尔学院最好师资调到图宾根)。
Hegel reacted to this situation by rebelling. Although he entered the Seminary as the top-ranked student of his class, he quickly became both uninterested in his official studies and a bit headstrong in his attitudes and did not manage to keep his first-place ranking after the first test. Hegel the model student was quickly transformed into a somewhat surly young scholar who neglected good bits of his studies. He did not abandon his idea of himself as following his chosen career as a “man of letters,” nor did he abandon his passion for reading and reflection, but he did change his attitude toward his teachers and his schooling, even if he kept many of the behaviors he had acquired as a schoolboy.
黑格尔对这种状况报以反抗。他人神学院时是班上尖子生，但很快就表现出对正式学习不感兴趣，在态度上有点刚愎自用，在第一次考试名列前茅后，有意不再看重排名。黑格尔作为模范生，由于种种原因，很快变成了在学习习惯上，不拘小节的乖戾生。他放弃了以前选择做“文人”的想法，也不再热衷于阅读和反思，但他改变了对待老师和学校教育的态度，即使他仍然保持做学生所养成的许多习惯。
In addition to the low quality of the university, the circumstances of the Protestant Seminary were themselves not of the kind that would have appealed to Hegel’s temperament. The Protestant Seminary was built on the foundations of an older Augustinian seminary, and, for the duration of their studies, the students became in effect Protestant monks. They were required to wear long black coats (which vaguely resembled cassocks) with white cuffs and collars. The seminarians’ hours were strictly regulated, and they were regularly scrutinized and watched. Failure to abide by the rules meant punishment, usually in the form of being deprived of one’s ration of table wine for the day or being incarcerated in the student jail (the Karzer). The chancellor of the university was fond of saying, “It is good and salutary for one whose future occupation will be the care of souls that his will should be broken whilst he is young.”’ Hegel was in no mood to have his will broken, and the strict regulations and the low level of the instruction only served to further alienate him from his official studies.
除了图宾根大学教学质量低之外，新教神学院的环境本身，大概不是那种能适合黑格尔性格的环境。新教神学院的前身，是所较老的奥古斯丁神学院，由于长期学习缘故，学生们实际上成了新教修道士。他们被要求穿着长长的外套（模模糊糊就像是法衣），带着白袖口和白衣领。神学院学生作息严格，他们常受检查和监视。违反这些规章意味着受到惩罚，通常形式的惩罚是不能享受当天的佐餐酒，或被关进学生禁闭室(the Karzer)。图宾根大学校长常挂在嘴边的一句话是：“对一个未来的职业是呵护心灵的人，大有裨益的是他的意志在他年轻时就应受到驯服。”黑格尔不想驯服自己意志，而严厉的规章制度，低水平的教学所起的作用，只是使他越发疏远正业。
The “Three Friends”
During Hegel’s first year, how^ever, he made the acquaintance and became good friends with another student who, like him, was both highly ranked in the class and equally alienated from the life at the Seminary: Friedrich Hdlderlin, who was to become one of the greatest of all German poets. In the fall of 1790, he and Holderlin also became good friends with another much younger student who had just arrived, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling.'’ Schelling was five years younger than Hegel and Holderlin, but his precociousness had so impressed the authorities at the cloister school he had attended that he had been given an early admission to the Seminary. Both Hegel and Holderlin quickly discovered that Schelling shared their antipathy to the Seminary, and the three became fast friends and shared a room together there. They jointly resolved not to become pastors, and Schelling and Holderlin came to be among the chief catalysts for Hegel’s eventual turn towards a career in philosophy.
“三个朋友”
不过，黑格尔在图宾根大学第一学年，认识了一些人并与另一位学生成了好朋友，这位学生和他一样，既在班级名列前茅，又疏远神学院的生活。他就是弗里德里希·荷尔德林，日后步入了德国最伟大诗人行列。1790年秋，他又和另一位比他更年轻的、刚刚到达的学生弗里德里希·威廉·约瑟夫·谢林成了好朋友。‘谢林比黑格尔和荷尔德林小5岁，但他的早熟给神学院领导留下极深的印象，以致他获准提前入图宾根神学院。黑格尔与荷尔德林二人，不久便发现谢林和他两一样，也对图宾根神学院表示反感，他们三人成了形影不离的朋友，合住一个房间。他们共同决定将来不做牧师，谢林和荷尔德林逐渐成了激励黑格尔最终转向哲学研究的人。
A deep sense of shared experience and expectation combined to bring the three friends together and to drive them more to philosophical and less to theological studies. As they entered the university, things were slowing down in Germany. Having only recently recovered from the devastation of the Thirty Years War, Germany had been growing economically and demographically. The economic situation, however, was starting to stagnate, and the number of suitable positions for young men with expectations of holding a “learned” position in society was shrinking. Yet all the while that the prospects for their futures seemed to be receding, there was a continuous introduction into Germany of new French and English “Enlightenment” ideas that reinforced a growing view among the young that the “old ways” were restricting Germans from improving their lot both socially and educationally. Life really could be improved, it increasingly seemed evident, by the application of reason to human affairs, and to the young seminarians what especially seemed to be blocking such renewal in their own environment were precisely the hometown structures of the Wiirttemberg life in which they had been raised. Their shared experience - the felt tension between social promise and the antiquated structures of hometown life - put these three rather studious young fellows in the position of being especially open to prospects of change and to new ideas that would give them a comprehensive view of things that would outline how it would be possible to “reform” the present situation. They were thus experientially already open to something like Kant’s philosophy, with its emphasis on “freedom” and “spontaneity.” That Hegel initially had some doubts about this is also instructive.
对共同具有的经验和期待的深度领悟，合起来使这三位朋友亲密无间，迫使他们更倾向于学习哲学而非学习神学。当他们入图宾根大学的时候，德国的发展逐渐慢了下来。在只是近来才从30年战争造成的破坏中恢复元气后，德国经济逐渐有了起色且人口有了增长。不22过，经济形势开始出现停顿，对于那些期待拥有社会“学术”地位的青年人来说，合适的位置在数量上逐渐减少。然而，他们未来的前景似乎变得渺茫，但法国和英国新的“启蒙运动”理念不断传入德国，这就强化了青年人的一种日益增长的看法，“一些旧的方面”限制了德国人从社会和教育方面改善他们的命运。似乎日益明显的是，生活凭借把理性用于人类事务确实将能够得到改善，尤其是对神学院青年学生来说，看来阻碍对他们自己环境的这样的更新的，恰好就是所养育他们的符腾堡生活的乡镇结构。他们的共同经验——他们感受到的社会前提与乡镇生活的陈旧结构之间的张力——使这三个颇为用功的青年学子抱有这样的态度，特别乐意思考变幻莫测的前途和接受这样一些新的理念，它们将提供他们对事务的广泛的理解，这样的理解将勾勒出何以可能“变革”时势的轮廓。因而，他们已身体力行地接受某种东西，譬如，强调“自由”和“自发性”的康德哲学。黑格尔最初对这样做持有异议，这同样是具有启发性的。
The Revolution
Hegel’s and Holderlin’s first year at the Seminary was thus spent in alienation from their surroundings. Holderlin, who had been engaged to a pastor’s daughter (typically, a young seminarian married a pastor’s daughter in order to inherit the pastor’s position) painfully broke off his engagement to the young woman in 1789. That, however, was to prove insignificant in light of what happened next: The French Revolution in 1789 quite simply changed everything for Hegel and Holderlin. The Revolution led Hegel, Holderlin, and, after his arrival, Schelling, to become increasingly exasperated by the provinciality and corruption of the Wiirttemberg world in which they lived, which their experience of the Seminary had only brought home all the more vividly to them. They were, moreover, not alone at the Seminary in their embrace of Revolution, and their initial enthusiasm for the Revolution only deep- ened over the next few years with French victories over counterrevolutionary German armies. They cheered the Revolution in 1789, and they followed the events closely in France and hoped for something similar in Germany. For Hegel, his initial disappointment with the Seminary gave way to heady feelings of hope for the future and identification with the revolutionary cause.
法国大革命
因此，黑格尔和荷尔德林在图宾根神学院的第一年，是在与他们周围事务疏远过程中度过的。荷尔德林，来图宾根之前已跟一位牧师的女儿订婚（一般说来，神学院青年学生与牧师的女儿结婚，图的是日后接替牧师的职位），而他1789年痛苦地解除了他与这位青年女子的婚约。然而，根据接下来发生的事情，证明这是意义非同寻常的!1789年法国大革命，在黑格尔和荷尔德林看来，完全彻底地改变了一切。法国大革命使黑格尔、荷尔德林，和随荷尔德林之后到达的谢林，逐渐再也无法忍受符腾堡世界的地方性质和堕落，这又只不过使他们更为强烈地去理解在神学院的体验。而且，他们不止是在神学院23 里拥抱法国大革命，他们最初对法国大革命的热情一直延续好几年，期间法军多次战胜德国的反革命军。他们为1789年法国大革命而欢呼，并密切关注法国的一系列事件，盼望德国也能出现类似的一幕。在黑格尔看来，他最初对神学院的失望，此时已让位于热情憧憬未来，让位于对革命原因的认同。
However, after the Declaration of Pillnitz in 1791, in which Austria and Prussia pledged themselves to defend the principles of monarchy against the threats of revolution, there was much concern in France (and outside France, particularly among the pro-French faction at the Seminary) that France was to be invaded by hostile forces intent on reversing the Revolution. For a while, things seemed to have calmed down when the French king accepted the new constitution in 1791. However, the western part of the old empire, of which Wiirttemberg w as part, had seen a huge influx of emigre nobility from France, who formed a pressure group calling for a counterrevolutionary coalition to invade France. The situation between the two sides deteriorated with the various angry charges being traded, and on April 20, 1792, the French declared war. The duke of Braunschweig, recognized as one of the foremost military leaders of his day, took command of a force that at first successfully marched into France. But on September 20, he engaged the forces led by the French General Dumouriez at Valmy near Paris. The French won the battle, the duke of Braunschweig took his forces with him into retreat, and the French pursued them deep into Germany. The day after the victory at Valmy, the newly elected National Convention in France abolished the monarchy. (Goethe, who was present at the battle of Valmy, remarked on that night that a new epoch in world history had begun.)
不过，在1791年发表《皮尔尼茨宣言》（宣言中奥地利和普鲁士发暂保卫君主政体），以防止革命的威胁之后，法国（和在法国之外特别是神学院亲法派）把目光更多投向的，是法国将受到急于开法国大革命倒车的敌军攻击。过了一段时间，当法国国王承认1791年新宪法时，事情似乎平静下来。不过，古老帝国的西部地区，符腾堡所属的地区，出现了大量从法国涌入的逃亡贵族，他们对政府施加压力，要求临时结成反革命联盟人侵法国。由于各种愤怒的互相指控，德法双方之间的形势不断恶化，1792年4月20日，法国人对德国人宣战。不伦瑞克公爵，被视为那时杰出的军事领导人之一，指挥军队一举成功地进入法国。但是，9月20日，他与由法国迪穆里埃将军率领的军队，在巴黎附近的瓦尔米交战。法国人赢得了战役，不伦瑞克公爵率部撤退，法军乘胜追击深入德国腹地。瓦尔米胜利后的这天，法国新选出的国民工会，废除了君主制。（歌德，参加了瓦尔米战役，评论说那个夜晚是世界史上新时期的开始。）
Some fellow students later recounted an anecdote about this period according to which the trio of Holderlin, Schelling, and Hegel erected a “freedom tree” - a kind of revolutionary Maypole - on the fourteenth of July, 1793 (a year into the Terror, during which the guillotines were working full time) on a field near the town of Tubingen and danced the revolutionary French dance, the Carmognole, around it, all the while singing the words to the Marseillaise (which Schelling had translated into German). The story has been repeated so many times that it has become part of the Hegel-Schelling-Holderlin legend, but unfortunately, except for the part about Schelling’s translation, the story is almost surely false. However, its believability for those who later told it lay in its adequately capturing the spirit that was undoubtedly animating the three friends.® A political club had formed in the 1790s at Tubingen to discuss the Revolution, to read various revolutionary tracts, and in general to raise the spirits of the seminarians who were inspired by the events of the Revolution; Hegel was a member of the club. The club had itself been founded by another friend of Hegel’s at the Seminary, Christian Ludwig Wetzel, who had apparently brought the text to the Marseillaise with him from a sojourn in Strasbourg, where he had been in 1792 in order to fight on the French side in their battles with the Austrians. The trio of Hegel, Holderlin, and Schelling, moreover, were also enthusiastic readers of a German journal, Minerva^ edited by Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz, which avidly supported the Revolution.
有些同学后来描述了荷尔德林、谢林和黑格尔三人1793年的一件逸闻趣事：1793年是个恐怖之年，期间每天都有人被送上断头台，7月14日，他们三人在图宾根城近郊种“自由树”（一种革命的五朔节花柱)，围绕自由树跳法国大革命舞(Carmognole)，一直在唱马赛曲（由谢林翻译成德文）7。这个故事已不知被讲过多少遍，以致它都成了黑格尔、谢林、荷尔德林的传奇的一部分，但令人遗憾的是，除了有关谢林翻译马赛曲这部分内容之外，整个故事几乎肯定是不真实的。不过，对那些后来讲述者来说，它的可信度在于它恰当地捕捉到了那种激励这三位朋友的精神，这是毋庸置疑的。1790年代，政治俱乐部就已在图宾根成立，讨论法国大革命，解读各种革命短文（传单），总的说来，使那些受到法国大革命事件鼓舞的神学院学生，精神百倍斗志昂扬；黑格尔是政治俱乐部一成员。政治俱乐部本身，是由黑格尔在神学院的另一朋友，克里斯蒂安·路德维希·古策尔所创办，此君显然从暂住地斯特拉斯堡，把马赛曲词曲带到黑格尔处，他1792年时就已住在斯特拉斯堡，以和法军一道与奥地利人作战。而且，黑格尔、荷尔德林和谢林三人，同样是德文《密纳瓦》杂志的热心读者，杂志由约翰·威廉·冯·阿兴霍尔茨主编，鼎力支持法国大革命。
The pro-French element of the German population, of which the young students Hegel, Holderlin, and Schelling were most decidedly members, rejoiced at this turn of events, since it seemed to promise fulfillment of their hopes that the retrograde forces of the old empire were not long for the world. For the partisans of the Revolution at the Seminary, the defeat of what they could only regard as the forces of moral and spiritual enfeeblement could not help but be encouraging. Excitement about the events in France was also stirred by the presence of French students at the Seminary, who brought the news from France directly into the Seminary. Some of the seminarians came from areas in France that belonged to the duke of Wurttemberg, who because of various vagaries of Wurttemberg history possessed lands in France in Alsace and in the area around Montbeliard (known then by its Wurttemberg name of Mompelgard). In addition to those students, there were also some French seminarians from other Protestant areas in France. One of the entries in Hegel’s university album, for example, was by Jean Jerome Kolb from Strasbourg. (Kolb’s entry read, “Vive la liberte!!”).5
德国人口中亲法国的那部分人，青年学子黑格尔、荷尔德林和谢林肯定属于这部分成员，在那些事件一出现就为之欢欣鼓舞，因为似乎有可以实现他们的希望，旧王朝反动势力兔子尾巴长不了。就神学院法国大革命热情支持者而言，德国的失败被他们只看作道德上和精神上的衰微，这可能不得不令人鼓舞。同样，对法国有关事件的兴奋，也是由就读于神学院的法国学生激起的，他们把那些消息从法国直接带到神学院。有些神学院学生来自属于符腾堡公爵领地的法国地24区，公爵由于符腾堡历史具有的各种奇特性，而拥有法国阿尔萨斯周边地区的土地（阿尔萨斯后因符腾堡名字默佩尔加德而闻名）。除了那些学生之外，还有一些来自法国其他新教地区的法籍神学院学生。举例来说，黑格尔大学签名簿上有一处签字，就是出自斯特拉斯堡让·热罗姆·科尔布之手。（科尔布签的是，“Vive la liberté!!”）
If the Revolution and its celebration sat well with the three friends, it certainly did not particularly please the duke of Wurttemberg. He had lost many of his lands in France when the revolutionaries of 1789 abolished feudal privileges, and so from his point of view, since it was bad enough that the Seminary in Tubingen was Protestant, it would be intolerable if it turned out to be training antiroyalist revolutionaries. The political club at Tubingen especially had not gone unnoticed by the authorities, and the duke himself made a personal visit to the Seminary to see just how subversive the institution bearing his name had become. After fighting with the French forces in 1792, Hegel’s friend Wetzel had returned to Tubingen in order to take his master’s exam, but when the duke visited in 1793, Wetzel decided that discretion called for him to absent himself from the area, since he was almost certainly to be arrested and incarcerated. (He later became a commissioner in the conquering French army of the Rhine and the Mosel and finally moved to Paris, where he founded a piano factory.) Schelling himself was interrogated by the ducal visitors, at which point he apparently confessed to having made some youthful errors; he was not arrested, and Hegel was never interrogated. But after Wetzel’s flight to France, the political club gradually ceased to exist.
如果说，法国大革命及其庆祝活动，得到这三位朋友盛赞的话，法国大革命肯定使符腾堡公爵特别不愉快。当1789年一系列革命废除了封建特权时，他失去了许多法国土地，因而，从他的观点看，最坏不过的是，图宾根神学院是属于新教的，所以，它如果到头来培养25 学生进行反君主主义革命，将是令人难以忍受的。在图宾根，政治俱乐部没有引起当局的特别注意，公爵本人亲临神学院视察，正好看看这个机构是不是做出与它名分不符之事。在1792年与法军交战后，黑格尔的朋友韦策尔回到了图宾根，准备参加硕士考试，但是，当公爵1793年视察图宾根时，韦策尔为了谨慎起见，决定离开图宾根，因为他几乎肯定会被逮捕入狱。（在后来征服菜茵河摩泽尔河流域过程中，他当上了法军一名指挥官，最终移居巴黎，创办了一家钢琴厂。）谢林本人受到了公爵特使的讯问，他显然承认犯了些幼稚的错误；他未遭逮捕，而黑格尔从未被讯问过。但是，在韦策尔逃到法国后，政治俱乐部逐渐停止了活动。
Hegel and his friends thus began to imagine different futures not only for themselves but for Wiirttemberg and even for the Holy Roman Empire as a whole. This conception of being a “partisan of the Revolution” fit well with and revitalized Hegel’s view of himself as having a career as a “teacher of the people” on the model of Lessing. Some of his friends, such as Wetzel, had already presented themselves as partisans of the Revolution, willing to go off to join its battles. An older seminarian, Karl Friedrich Reinhardt, who had published articles highly critical of life in the Seminary, had taken enthusiasm for the French one huge step further: After becoming the vicar in Balingen (a Wiirttemberg town near Tubingen), he had gone to France in 1787, participated in the Revolution, and become a figure of some importance there — indeed, he rose to such influence within the ruling circles in France that he later even replaced the great Tallyrand, becoming, even if only briefly, the French foreign minister under the Girondins.’
因此，黑格尔及其朋友不仅着手憧憬他们自己的前途，而且憧憬符腾堡的前途，甚至从整体上看憧憬神圣罗马帝国的前途。做一名“革命党人”，这个想法非常符合黑格尔的想法，使黑格尔重新确立以莱辛为榜样将来当“人民教师”的思想。他的一些朋友譬如韦策尔已投身革命党人，自愿奔赴战场。身为高年级神学院学生，卡尔·弗里德里希·赖因哈特早就发表文章，极力批评神学院的生活，盛赞法国大革命是历史的巨大进步：在做上了巴林根（一个靠近图宾根的符腾堡乡镇）教堂主持后，他1787年去巴黎参加法国大革命，成了一个地位不菲的人物。——实际上，他在法国统治阶层中影响不断攀升，后来甚至取代了大人物塔列朗，当上了吉伦特派执政时期法国外交部长。
Such things no doubt filled Hegel’s head with dreams of what his nonpastoral career might turn out to be. More importantly, though, the Revolution and his imaginative involvement in it with his friends had altered his view of his own ambitions, even if he himself was slow to realize it. He had come to Tubingen imagining a future for himself as an enlightened pastor and theologian assisting in the project of bringing Wiirttemberg, and maybe even the “German nation” as a whole, into modern life (much as Lessing had created a public for literature and theater). He had quickly abandoned the idea of becoming a pastor, after the Revolution had suggested to him and others that more was at stake in becoming “modern” than merely becoming “enlightened.” Hegel, like many German intellectuals of the time, tended to see the emerging French Revolution as a newer version of the older Protestant Reformation, destined to lead society to a better ethical condition. The more general ideas of moral reform and spiritual renewal had, of course, been with him since he had imbibed the related ideals of Enlightenment and Bildung (“cultural formation,” “taste,” “cultivation”) in Stuttgart, but the political nature of the Revolution and the involvement of his fellow seminarians had gradually led him to think more concretely about the social embodiment of the rather hazy ideas of “moral reform” and “spiritual renewal” that he had brought with him to Tubingen. His Wiirttembergian background had endowed him with a sense of constitutionalism and with the idea that indistinct notions such as rights had to be anchored in some kind of social practice; his Enlightenment education had prepared him for the idea that it was both possible and desirable to make a career of assisting the process of spiritual renewal, and that the application of human reason was to play a large role in this; and the Revolution and his association with his seminary friends (both German and French) had thrown into question just how his Wiirttembergian ideals and his Enlightenment sympathies were actually going to play out. The major role that Pietism played in Wiirttemberg also played a large role in this conception - despite the fact that he was not a Pietist himself and was not personally in any way attracted to Pietist ideas, Hegel was nonetheless greatly influenced by the central Pietist idea that reform of the church had not been enough and that a thoroughgoing reform of the world was equally required, and that the Revolution was to lead to this reform of the world.
毋庸置疑，这些东西使黑格尔充满梦想，他不当牧师可能证明是正确的。然而，更为重要的是，法国大革命以及他与朋友们共同在思想上介入革命，改变了他对自己的志向的看法，纵使他本人很迟才意识到这一点。他来到图宾根后，设想未来做满腹经纶的牧师和神学研究者，盘算帮助把符腾堡引入现代生活，甚或从整体上看把“德国”引入现代生活（几乎和莱辛为文学和戏剧创造读者大众一样）。在法国大革命向他和其他人展示，成为“现代的”是值得怀疑的，而非只26是成为“开明的”是值得怀疑的之后，他很快就放弃了将来当牧师的想法。黑格尔和那时许多德国知识分子一样，往往会把现存的法国大革命看作新版的新教改革，看作注定会改善社会伦理状况。诚然，他早就心怀较为一般的想法，这就是道德上的改造和精神上的重生，因为，他还在斯图加特时期，就已接受有关启蒙运动和教养(“文化形成”、“鉴赏力”、“文雅”)，但是，法国大革命的政治本质，他神学院同学思想上卷入法国大革命，这些逐渐使他去更加具体地思考，那些颇为朦胧的想法是如何体现在社会中的（这样的想法是指他早在图宾根时期就已怀有的“道德改造”和“精神重生”）。他的符腾堡人背景，已赋予他立宪主义观念，并使他认为，某些模糊的概念譬如权利，必然牢牢基于某种社会实践中；他接受的启蒙运动教育，使他认识到，既有可能又值得向往的，就是去从事促进精神重生工作，并使他认识到，在这方面，人类理性的运用起着十分重要的作用；法国大革命和他与神学院朋友们（有德国朋友也有法国朋友）的联想，正好使人要问的是，他的符腾堡人理想，他对启蒙运动的同情，实际上将如何落到实处。虔诚主义在符腾堡所扮演的重要角色，同样在下列的看法中也起着十分重要的作用：黑格尔，尽管本人不是虔诚派教徒，尽管本人一点不受虔诚派教徒理想的吸引，他却依然受到虔诚派教徒核心思想的重大影响，这核心思想就是宗教改革是不充分的，就是对世界的彻底改造同样也是非常必要的，就是法国大革命必将导致对世界的这种改造。
The “Old Man" and the “Summer of Love”
Nonetheless, however rebellious against the ways of the Seminary Hegel became, he remained the industrious, serious fellow he always was; his friends at the Seminary referred to him by the nickname “the old man,” and one of them drew in his university album a picture of an old man on crutches with a long beard, under which was the inscription, “God help the old man.” Hegel may have visited the taverns, cut classes, and ridden off on afternoon adventures with his other friends, but the nickname shows that (probably unlike many of them) he was not content with simply pub crawling, carousing, and making merry; he was still reading quite a bit and still remained extremely serious about learning, however much contempt he might have had for the low quality of the professoriate at Tubingen.
“老人”与“爱之夏”
然而，不管黑格尔多么反对图宾根神学院教学方法，他依然一直是个认真勤奋的学生；神学院学友用绰号“老人”来称呼他，有位学友在他大学签名簿上画了一张靠一副T字形拐杖支撑着、长着长长胡须的老人的像，画像下面题词是，“天助老人也”。黑格尔可能光顾?过小酒店，缺过课，骑马出去参加其他朋友的午后冒险活动，但“老人”这个绰号表明（很可能和他们中许多人不同），他不只是满足于逐店饮酒，狂饮闹宴，寻欢作乐；同时他也读了很多书，仍然对学习极端认真，不管他可能对图宾根水平低下的教授们何等蔑视。
Although Hegel continued to do just enough in his studies to remain respectable, his heart was not in them. Instead of focusing on his required studies, he threw himself into his reading and, in particular, into the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Many of his student friends when thinking about him in later life remembered him as being an ardent partisan of Rousseau at the time. (He and his classmates would, for example, write “Vive Jean-Jacques” in each other’s albums.) Notwithstanding that, Rousseau was not his sole reading matter; he was also avidly reading Friedrich Schiller, Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi, Montesquieu, Plato, and much else.
黑格尔始终在学业上很用功，依然受人尊敬，但他心思并不在学业上。他不是致力于要求学的课程，反而是投身于自己想学的东西，特别是一头扎进让一雅克·卢梭著作。许多学友晚年回忆他时，还清楚记得他是卢梭的狂热和虔诚的信徒。（举例来说，他和同班同学在相互的签名簿里，写上“Vive Jean-Jacques”。）尽管这样，卢梭仍然不是他唯一解读的对象；他还如饥似渴地解读了弗里德里希·席勒、弗里德里希·海因里希·雅科比、孟德斯鸠、柏拉图，以及其他许多诗人哲学家。
But his mind was not completely absorbed in such abstruse matters. Hegel remained a gregarious soul, and, like many students before and since, he and his fellow students reacted to the strictness of their academic environment by forming bonds of camaraderie with each other. Hegel loved to play cards (something he appreciated as a schoolboy in Stuttgart and throughout the rest of his life), discuss issues with friends, and engage in friendly drinking bouts at the many pubs around Tubingen. These escapades (along with Hegel’s cutting of lectures and his continual oversleeping) did not go unnoticed by the proctors, and the records show Hegel being cited several times for such breaches of the rules. The records also show him being thrown into the student jail for a couple of hours in 1791; Hegel’s infraction had to do with his having ridden on horseback without permission with a couple of friends to a neighboring village and then having arrived back at the Seminary too late - the reason being that the horse belonging to one of Hegel’s friends, a Frenchman studying at the Seminary, became sick, and Hegel and another friend, J. C. F. Fink, refused to ride back without him; the result of Hegel’s disobedience to the rules was some mandatory time spent in the student jail, the Karzer.^ As is often the case with students, Hegel also become fond of frequenting the taverns with his friends. His condition on returning to the Seminary late one night prompted one of the older porters at the Seminary gates to exclaim, “Oh Hegel, you’re for sure going to drink away what little intellect you have.”*' On yet another occasion, when the porter admonished him with, “Hegel, you’re going to drink yourself to death,” Hegel replied (surely in a slurred and bleary tone) that he had “just had a little refreshment.”'” His sister remembered Hegel in his students days as a jovial sort who loved both to dance and to visit the ladies."
但是他还不能完全理解这些深奥的东西。黑格尔仍旧喜爱交际，跟许多学生一样，他和同学一反严格的学术环境，而彼此结成兄弟般的情谊。黑格尔爱玩牌（玩牌是他在斯图加特读小学时就欣赏的，并且余生乐此不疲），和朋友们讨论问题，一次次在图宾根周围的许多酒店，参加温馨的酒会。这些越轨行为（连同黑格尔旷课和不断的睡过头）没有逃脱学监的眼睛，有关记录表明，黑格尔这些违规行为，多次被记录在案。有关记录还显示，1791年他被学校关禁闭两小时；黑格尔的违规与未经允许和两个朋友一起骑马去附近村庄、后来很迟才回到神学院有关。——回来迟的原因在于，那匹马突然病了，马的主人是黑格尔一位在神学院就读的法国朋友，黑格尔和另一位朋友J.C.F.芬克，在未经法国朋友允许情况下，拒绝骑着病马回神学院；结果是黑格尔被强制性地关了禁闭(the Karzer)。像学生常常都喜欢喝酒一样，黑格尔同样也喜欢常和朋友一起出去喝两盅。一天深夜，黑格尔回到神学院时，步履蹒跚醉意朦胧，神学院一上了年纪的门卫怒其不争，大声呵斥道，“啊呀，黑格尔，你再这样喝下去，肯定会成为傻瓜的”。然而，另一次，当这门卫用“黑格尔，你打算喝 28死”来警告他时，他回答道（确实用一种含糊不清的语调说）自己“只是提了点神”。”妹妹不会忘记，黑格尔在学生时代，是性情中人，爱跳舞，近女色。”
However much it might be tempting to romanticize Hegel’s time at Tubingen - as a time of good friends, wine, ideas, revolution (and unfortunately fleeting attempts at romance) - such romanticizing would obscure the fundamental anxieties that plagued Hegel and his friends Schelling and Holderlin for their entire stay there. Although the lack of open positions for pastors was so great that they did not reasonably have to worry much about being forced into the profession against their wishes, like all the students at the Seminary they attended the institution on a stipend, and in order to secure entry to the Seminary each had been required to sign an oath of obligation that he would devote himself to theology and to becoming a minister. Each was therefore under legal obligation to the authorities in Wiirttemberg to take a pastoral post if assigned to one. Hegel must have found some relief in the fact that a person such as himself, who regularly got very low marks for his sermons, would not be among the few who would be chosen for such scarce positions.
不管图宾根有多少东西可能诱使黑格尔有着浪漫的时光——譬如，交友、喝酒、谈论新思想、向往革命（带有遗憾的浅尝辄止的浪漫）——这样的浪漫时光，当然只能使黑格尔及其朋友谢林和荷尔德林，暂时忘掉为整天待在那里而烦恼的基本焦虑。牧师的缺口很大，以至于他们没有理由担心被迫违心地选择职业，但是和图宾根神学院的所有学生一样，他们在这所学府就读，是享受奖学金的，而为确保进神学院，每个学生都被要求在义务誓约上签名，保证他将献身于神学，致力于做一名牧师。因此，每个学生都肩负符腾堡当局的法律义务，将来当一名牧师，如果他属于符腾堡当局选派来的话。黑格尔想必在下面的事实中找到了一些宽慰；一个人譬如黑格尔本人布道常常得分很低，不会成为屈指可数的那样些人，他们将被选出担任这种稀缺的牧师职位。
To thwart even the remote possibility of such a fate, Hegel attempted (as did Holderlin) to shift over to the study of law after his master’s exam (that is, after he had completed his two-year program of general and philosophical studies and before he was to begin his three-year program of theological studies). His father, however, refused to let him make the switch. This quite obviously irritated Hegel no small amount. Unlike so many other generations of Hegels, his father had not become a pastor but had instead studied law at Tubingen; it is probably fair to assume therefore that the relations between father and son were a bit strained on this issue, as they also apparently were on the issue of the Revolution. Hegel had no qualms about debating his father on the contentious issue of the Revolution, an issue about which his father took an emphatically different position from Hegel’s own, siding with the aristocrats.'^
甚至为了阻止这绝少可能发生的命运出现，黑格尔试图（像荷尔德林力图做的）在他参加家庭教师资格考试后转学法律（即，在他完成关于常规学习和哲学学习的两年计划后，在他开始关于神学学习的三年计划之前)。不过，父亲拒绝让他转学法律。不言而喻，这使黑格尔大为恼火。跟黑格尔家族中许多其他代人不同，父亲没有当牧师而反倒在图宾根学法律；所以，说不定父子关系由于这个问题而有点紧张，像他们同样由于法国大革命问题而表现出的紧张一样，这种假设是极有可能的。对与父亲辩论法国大革命这一问题，黑格尔并不感到内疚，父亲持的立场断然不同于黑格尔的，父亲站在法国贵族·边。”
There is no record of why Hegel’s father actually refused to let him make the switch, but one obvious ground was that young Hegel had been required to sign a paper obligating him to the study of theology. and his father had been required to pledge his property to sustain his son’s studies if he were to be accepted for a stipend at the Seminary. No doubt his father’s upright old Wiirttemberg sense that “a man’s word was his word” played a role in this; no doubt his worries about possible legal claims on his property also played no small part. Perhaps some dismay and irritation over his son’s revolutionary leanings also inclined him to want to keep him out of a political career (fearing the worst for him were he to pursue it). In any event, the young Hegel was compelled to complete his theological training, always under the constant worry that the authorities of Wiirttemberg might force him after all to assume some pastor’s post in some village somewhere in the duchy. What had seemed a few years before like a good career choice had come to seem like a possible life sentence; the threat was, moreover, to hang over him for many years to come. If anything, that disappointment only caused him to dive into his extracurricular reading with even more dedication and intensity than he had before.
父亲为何确实拒绝让黑格尔转学法律，这一缘由现已无从查考，但一个明显的理由在于，青年黑格尔已被要求在一份文件上签了名，29 在一份使自己有义务从事神学学习的文件上签了名，而父亲早就被要求许诺有权供儿子完成学业，如果他接受神学院奖学金的话。毋庸置疑，父亲的正直的古腾堡观念即“说一不二”，在这件事上起着非常重要的作用；毋庸置疑，他可能对自己权利的合法要求的担心，也起着不小的作用。大概他对儿子的革命知识的惊恐和恼怒，同样使他倾向于要使儿子远离政治（在他看来，他担心的是，最坏的有可能就是，儿子所要追求的东西)。无论如何，青年黑格尔是被迫完成了神学培训，并始终心怀忧虑——符腾堡当局毕竟可能迫使他在某个时候，在公爵领地某个村庄担任某个牧师工作。几年之前看似一份好的职业选择，现在可能看似无期徒刑；而且，这种威胁多年来一直在步步逼近他。要说有什么区别的话，这种失望只是致使他比以前更加专心地、更加充满激情地一头钻进课外阅读。
In his great year of youthful rebellion, 1791, he also became quite taken with the daughter of a deceased professor of theology in Tubingen, Auguste Hegelmaier. Auguste lived with her mother in a baker’s house in town. The baker also ran a wineshop where students congregated, so Hegel naturally found himself at home there. He was continually to be found at the baker’s shop, drinking the wine and wooing Auguste, who worked at the wine bar. Hegel inscribed in his friend J. C. F. Fink’s album in 1791, “Last summer was beautiful; this one more beautiful! The motto of the former was: Wine; of this one. Love!” and he wrote after it, “V.A.!!!” (for Vive Auguste).'^ His friend Fallot also wrote “Vive A!!!” in Hegel’s album, and his French friend from Montbeliard, Bernard, wrote, “V. La belle Augustine” - but then added (in French) “for you! And C ... for me alone!”, indicating that he was not a competitor for Auguste’s affections.'"* Hegel was even led to help organize a summer ball of which Auguste was named the queen. (Hegel maintained a life-long love of balls and dancing.) Unfortunately for him, Hegel’s affections were not requited; it seems that Auguste’s affections, even if only for a while, went instead to Hegel’s good friend J. C. F. Fink. (Unfortunately, we cannot tell just how good a friend Fink remained after this affair.) Hegel was surely disappointed by his failure in love, although, typically, he made no comments in his diary about this emotional issue; his sister later remarked, though, that at this time he seemed to hold out few hopes in the area of romance. His “summer of love” ended only with a broken heart.
在他青年时期离经叛道的伟大之年即1791年，他还被图宾根已故神学教授女儿，奥古斯特·黑格尔迈尔弄得神魂颠倒。奥古斯特和母亲生活在一起，住的是城里一个面包店店主的房子。面包店店主兼营酒店，学生们常常小聚于此，所以，黑格尔自然发现，在这里有宾至如归之感。他频繁出现在面包店店主酒店，喝酒和追求酒吧服务生奥古斯特。1791年，黑格尔在朋友J.C.F.芬克签名簿上题写道，“去夏美；今夏更美!去夏座右铭：酒；今夏座右铭，爱!”在这之后他写着“V.A.!!!”（代表Vive Auguste）。”朋友法洛特在黑格尔签名簿上写下“Vive A!!!”，来自蒙贝利亚尔法国朋友贝尔纳写道，“V.奥古斯特美人”，——但接着（用法文）加上“属于你!而只有C……是我的!”表明他对奥古斯特不会横刀夺爱。“黑格尔甚至被弄到这样的地步，出面帮助举办一场以奥古斯特女王为名的季夏球赛。”（黑格尔终身爱球和舞。）不幸的是，对黑格尔来说，他没有享受到报之以李；现在看，似乎奥古斯特反倒移情别恋，看上黑格尔好友J.C.F.芬克，纵使是短暂的。不幸的是，在这件风流韵事发生之后，芬克仍然是黑格尔一位怎样的好朋友呢?对此我们不得而知。然而，跟通常的失恋者一样，黑格尔确被爱情上失败弄得心灰意冷，他在日记中对感情问题未置一词；不过，妹妹后来评论道，通过这次：苦涩之爱，威廉看似对情场已不抱多大希望。他的“爱之夏”仅以一颗破碎的心收场。
