第3章 “从伯尔尼到法兰克福再到耶拿时期：失败的计划和新的开始”(4)
By the autumn of 1801, Holderlin had managed to land another position as Hofmeister with a German official in Bordeaux, France, and set out on December lo for Bordeaux, finally arriving there on January 28. In 1802, Susette Gontard, already suffering from tuberculosis, died of measles contracted from her children; Holderlin, unaware of this, ran into some unexplained difficulties in Bordeaux and returned home. Once there, he learned of Susette Gontard’s death, and his precarious mental health only worsened. Very soon thereafter he began his rapid slide into the severe schizophrenia that was to render him more or less helpless for the rest of his life.
到1801年秋，荷尔德林已经想方设法找到另一个职位，将成为法国波尔多德国裔官员的家庭教师，12月10日动身前往波尔多，最终在1802年1月28日到达那里。1802年，苏塞特·贡塔德，已经患上严重肺结核的苏塞特·贡塔德，死于由她子女传染的麻疹；荷尔德林不知道这件事，在波尔多遇到某些未被描述的困难，随后回家了。一到家，他便获悉苏塞特·贡塔德的死讯，他岌岌可危的心理健康状况因此雪上加霜。此后不久，他就开始迅速患上严重的精神分裂症，精神分裂症或多或少将使他余生呼天不应叫地不灵。
By 1800, it was thus more than clear that Hegel’s partner in philosophical conversation and closest friend was leaving, and there is some reason to suppose that the two friends were in fact already growing apart. Holderlin was more and more undergoing a crisis in his life, whereas Hegel was finally coming to terms with the world and getting his own thoughts in order. The combination of Hblderlin’s increasing personal crises and the death of Hegel’s father almost certainly played the leading role in Hegel’s reassessment of just where his life had been heading and his taking stock of himself and his future. Although it seems quite evident that Hegel had not been especially close to his father, there is, on the other hand, also no evidence of anything like a complete rupture between the two. There are no letters or accounts of Hegel at the time being laid low by his father’s death or bemoaning the event to anyone; but it is significant that Hegel waited until the March following his father’s death in January to return to Stuttgart, where he was needed to help consolidate and divide what was not exactly a large estate. Hegel was not overwhelmed, and he did not feel he had to leave immediately for Stuttgart. Hegel could not have helped being affected by his father’s death, and being led into the kind of self-evaluation that often accompanies such events. His decision to change the course of his life occurred during that period; he finally decided that he had moved around enough; the period of his life where he could put off decisions, remain a Hofmeister, and continuously toy with ideas about making a life for himself as some kind of ill-defined “popular philosopher” was now over; he needed to become more serious; he needed a career.
到1800年，从而更为清楚的是，黑格尔哲学交流的伙伴和最亲密的朋友即将离去。有理由去猜想这两个朋友其实已经逐渐各奔东西。荷尔德林在遭受着越来越多的人生危机，而黑格尔将最终与世界达成妥协和使他自己的思想变得条理分明。荷尔德林不断增加的个人危机与黑格尔父亲离世，这两件事合起来几乎无疑在黑格尔重新评估人生航向和他对他自己和他的未来作出判断过程中扮演着十分重要的角色。虽然看似非常明显的是黑格尔没有特别地亲近过父亲，但是同样也非常明显的是根本不存在像父子两人间完全决裂一样的东西。没有任何信件或记述表明黑格尔当时因父亲去世而情绪低落或对任何人表示过对这件事的哀伤；而具有重要意义的是黑格尔从父亲1月去世后一直等到3月才重返斯图加特，在家中需要他帮助整理和分割一笔数额不大的遗产。黑格尔没有悲痛欲绝，也没有感到他必须迅速去斯图加特。黑格尔不可能因父亲去世而给他带来有益的影响，也不可能致使他作出那种通常伴随着这些事件的自我评估。他在这个阶段作出了改变人生进程的决定；他终于决定他应该多出去闯一闯；他下列的这个人生阶段此时已经结束了：他可以放弃某些决定，可以一如既往地去做家庭教师，可以继续儿戏般地想使得他自已一生就做某种没有棱角的“通俗哲学家”；他需要变得更加严肃认真；他需要一个职业。
After a trip in September of 1800 to Mainz to see at first hand the results of the Revolution as it been put into practice in Germany, Hegel, now possessed of a small inheritance, decided to see if he could make it as an academic philosopher. To do this, he summoned up his courage and got in touch with his old friend Schelling, with whom he had not corresponded since his Berne days. Schelling had since become quite a figure; having been introduced into literary circles by Immanuel Niethammer, a former seminarian at Tubingen and an organizing figure among the intellectuals at Jena, at the age of only twenty-three he had become in 1798 an “extraordinary” professor at the same university as Fichte, and, after Fichte’s dismissal from the university in 1799 on spurious charges of atheism, had come to be seen by virtually everyone there as Fichte’s legitimate successor at Jena. In his letter to Schelling (dated November 2, 1800), Hegel informed him about his plans to move to another location, citing Bamberg as a possible place, and asked him for some advice about where he should stay in Bamberg, saying that he was “determined to spend a period of time in independent circumstances, devoting it to works and studies already begun” and noting that he was not yet ready for the intensity and the “literary revels” of Jena, that he was looking instead for a town where there are “inexpensive provisions, a good beer for the sake of my physical condition, a few acquaintances.” (Hegel even mentioned that he “would prefer a Catholic city to a Protestant one: I want to see that religion for once up close” - was he thinking of Nanette Endel.?) After begging Schelling’s pardon for bothering him about such trivialities, he noted that he “hoped that we will once again find ourselves as friends.” Having said that, Hegel rather portentously informed Schelling that “in my scientific development, which started from more subordinate needs of man, I was inevitably driven toward science, and the ideal of youth had to take the form of reflection and thus at once of a system” - the death of his father perhaps prompting that phrase about transforming the “ideal of youth” and also signaling to Schelling, perhaps a bit ruefully, that he, Schelling, had been right all along about the importance of systematic philosophy. Hegel had originally set out to involve himself in practical affairs as an “educator of the people” who would accomplish his mission through writings that would lead the people to a moral and spiritual renewal by assisting them in the construction of a “people’s religion.” In light of his failure to fulfill that project, Hegel remarked in his letter to Schelling, “I now ask myself, while I am still occupied with it, what return to intervention in the life of men can be found.This was no doubt a set of terribly emotional admissions for Hegel to make to Schelling. He had stubbornly for several years held onto his conception of himself as a man of letters despite what his close friends at the Seminary had no doubt urged him to do. He had disparaged the intricacies and subtleties of the post-Kantian movement as perhaps necessary parts of an “esoteric” philosophy that were nonetheless unnecessary for the more practical “application” of Kant’s philosophy; he had thus more or less insinuated that Schelling was indulging in mere speculation, in the “esoteric,” while he, Hegel, was working on more practical and immediate “intervention” in the form of “popular philosophy.” Now he had to admit to himself and to Schelling that his earlier ambitions had failed, that he had got it wrong, that Schelling had been right all along. He signed the letter in the familiar, “Wilhelm Hegel.”
在为亲眼看看法国大革命在德国践行时带来何种结果而1800年9月到美因茨旅行后，黑格尔，现时拥有一小份遗产的黑格尔，决定去看看他能不能成功地当上一名学院派哲学家。为了这样做，他鼓足勇气跟老友谢林取得联系，他自伯尔尼时期以来一直没有与谢林通过信。谢林从那时以后已经成了相当有名的人物；在被伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔引入文学小组后，作为图宾根神学院毕业生和耶拿知识分子中的组织者，年仅23岁时他就在1789年当上了“特聘”教授，和费希特在同一所学校执教，在费希特1799年因面临严重的无神论指控而被大学解聘后，谢林终于实质上被耶拿大学每个人当作费希特合理合法的接替人看待。在致谢林信中（此信日期为1800年11月2日），黑格尔对谢林说他计划挪挪窝，列出班堡作为可去之处，征求谢林意见他是否应去班堡执教、说他“已下定决心在不受约束的环境中度过一段时间，把这段时间专门用于那早已着手了的写作和学习”，强调指出的是他还没有为耶拿的热情和“文学狂欢”做好准备，他反倒在寻找一个小镇，那里要有“价廉物美的供应品，出于我身体状况的缘故要有上好的啤酒，要有几个熟人。”（黑格尔甚至还提到他“也许宁可去信奉天主教城市而不愿去信奉新教城市我想看到宗教一劳永逸地终结”——难道他是在想念纳内特·恩德尔吗？）在恳求谢林原谅这些琐事打扰了他后，他强调指出他“希望我们将再度发觉作为朋友的我们自己”。在写完这句话后，黑格尔煞有介事地告诉谢林，“按照我的科学发展而且这种发展始自人类更为低等的需求，我势必被迫拼命地走向科学，年轻时的理想必须采用反思的形式，因而同时采取体系的形式”——父亲的去世或许催生了改变“年轻时的理想”这个阶段，同样也向谢林发出信号，或许有点悔恨地，他谢林理所当然地始终围绕系统哲学的重要性做文章。黑格尔原先着手作为一名“人民教育家”投身实际事务，“人民教育家”应该通过作品来完成他的使命，作品应该通过帮助人们构建“人民宗教”从而引导他们实现道德和精神上的重生。由于未能圆满完成这个计划，黑格尔在致谢林信中谈论道，“我现在扪心自问，虽然我对这个计划仍然耿耿于怀，但是我发觉回到了干涉人们生活的东西。”这无疑是黑格尔向谢林表露的一系列极带感情色彩的肺腑之言。他多年来一直颂固地坚持把他自己设想成是文人，尽管他在图宾根神学院时的挚友无疑敦促他去这么做。他早就把盘根错节和深奥精妙的后康德哲学运动贬低成或许是“秘传的”哲学所必需的组成部分，然而这些组成部分对于康德哲学的更为实际的“应用”不是必不可少的；因此他或多或少地暗示谢林正沉溺于纯粹的思辨，正沉溺于“秘传的”哲学，而他黑格尔在以“通俗哲学”形式致力于更为实践和更为直接的“介入”。眼下他不得不向他自己和谢林承认，他的早期宏大抱负已化落空，他作出宏大抱负是错的，而谢林看法始终是对的。他以熟悉的“威廉·黑格尔”在信中签名。
The imploring tone of Hegel’s letter to Schelling is not hard to miss, and Schelling replied in exactly the way Hegel had no doubt deeply hoped he would: Instead of sending him some addresses in Bamberg, he urged him instead to come to Jena and stay with him, and in January i8oi, in a move that was to prove decisive for him, Hegel arrived in Jena. He must have been both delighted and fearful of the prospect. For Hegel, his stay in Frankfurt had been a mixture of the best of times and the worst of times. On the one hand, there were reasons for a certain despondency on his part: His attempt at entering the debate in Wiirttemberg had been quashed; his own career was still going nowhere — he was, after all, still just an unpublished Hofmeister, whereas Hblderlin was beginning to achieve some renown for his published poetry, and Schelling’s career had been simply dazzling. Moreover, not only was the Revolution not progressing well in France, sympathy for it in the Holy Roman Empire was decidedly on the wane. His father’s death at the end of this period had jarred him, prompting him to realize that he had to provide himself with a career and not just live on youthful daydreams of being a man of letters. He was now thirty years old with not much to show for himself; his grand ambitions about being a teacher of the people had produced no great publications, no public recognition, and little money. The death of his father only brought home to him how he had been living in a bit of a daydream, that he was no longer the slightly pampered young intellectual at the head of his class but only a barely employed man approaching what counted then as middle age.
黑格尔在致谢林信中充满恳切的语气，谢林完全以一种无疑早已为黑格尔所深切希望的谢林应该采用的方式作出回复：他没有寄给黑格尔一些班堡讲演稿，反倒敦促黑格尔来耶拿和他待在一起，而在1801年1月，通过一次必将证明对黑格尔来说是决定性的移居，黑格尔到达耶拿。他想必是对前景既高兴又担心。对于黑格尔来说，他在法兰克福的逗留实际上是最美好时光和最糟糕时光参半。一方面，存在着使他产生某种沮丧的理由：有人阻止他试图参与符腾堡争论；他自己的生涯八字还没有一撇——他毕竟仍然恰恰是个未出版过作品的家庭教师，而荷尔德林因发表诗歌开始小有名气，谢林的事业长期以来简直使人赞叹不已。尚不止于此，不仅法国大革命在法国发展得不是很好，而且对它的同情在神圣罗马帝国也出现了大幅度的削减；父亲在这个阶段结束时去世对他精神上打击很大，促使他认识到他必须谋得一份工作，而不只是靠年轻时想当文人的白日梦生活。他眼下已届而立之年却碌碌无为；他关于做“人民教师”的宏大抱负没有使他发表大量作品，没有使他得到公众认可，没有使他腰缠万贯。父亲去世只不过使他确信，他一直以来有点生活在白日梦里，他不再是稍稍放纵的在本阶层中处于领头地位的年轻知识分子，而只是一个几乎没有受雇过的步入当时被算作中年的男子。
His decision to go to Jena, though, gave him some reason for optimism: He had been in lively company in Frankfurt, his new ideas were beginning to take form, and he was still fairly confident about the kind of social, moral, and religious renewal for which he longed and in which he wanted to play an important role. Now he had a chance to go to, of all places, Jena itself to pursue a career in letters and philosophy, a chance to be an academic and not a Hofnieister. Nonetheless, as if it were a reminder of just how beholden to others he still was, he once again had to apply to the Wiirttemberg church authorities for permission to visit a “foreign” university.
尽管如此，他去耶拿这个决定使他有某种理由对前景感到乐观：他在法兰克福结识了一批充满活力的志同道合者，他的新想法在逐渐成形，他依旧对那种社会重生、道德重生、宗教重生抱有很大信心，依旧相信这是为他所期望的和他想在其中扮演重要角色的重生。眼下他有机会首先去耶拿这个地方继续他的文人和哲学生涯，继而有机会做大学教师而非家庭教师。然而，好像这样的机会提醒他仍然恰恰多么对其他人表示感激，他再度不得不请求符腾堡教会当局允许他访问一所“外国”大学。
The young man who always found it virtually impossible to talk about himself, who always found it easier to speak in generalities than in personal terms, who had mused to Nanette Endel that “I do not know why I always fall into general reflections,” was of course quite naturally emotionally attracted to the ideal of university life taking shape in Jena. He had obviously decided, no doubt at first with some reluctance, that such “intervention” in the life of men could come only by his producing some writing “in the form of a system.” He had decided that in order for him to become an “educator of the people,” it was first necessary to become a philosopher following Fichte’s model and to join the newly conceived Fichtean university within modern life. That decision was not only to affect Hegel’s career, it also decisively changed the very style in which he wrote. After having made that decision, Hegel’s prose became much more “Fichtean” and ivissenschaftlich; he abandoned the free-flowing prose style he had chosen in his earlier writings in favor of what he regarded as the more rigorous, “scientific” mode of presentation - like Holderlin, framing his thoughts in a kind of unrelenting style that refused to allow the reader to fall back on his own familiar use of language. The paradigmatically obscure Hegelian use of self-created technical terms remained the most ambiguous of the modernist ambitions he inherited from his old friend.
这个总是发觉实际上不能谈论自己的年轻人，这个总是发觉容易言说共性而不易言说个性的年轻人，这个早已若有所思地对纳内特·恩德尔说“我不知道为什么我总是陷入全面的反思”的年轻人，无疑十分自然地在感情上受到耶拿已经成形的大学生活理想的吸引。他早已明确地断定，无疑起初带有某种勉强地断定，这样的对人们生活的“干预”只有借助他所创作的某种“以体系形式”出现的作品才有可能实现。他早就决定，为让他做“人民教育家”，首先必须成为以费希特为楷模的哲学家，首先必须加盟新构想出的现代生活中的费希特式大学。这个决定不仅必将影响黑格尔的职业生涯，它同样也彻底改变他借以写作的特有风格。在作出这个决定后，黑格尔的散文体变成更加“费希特式的”和科学的文体；他放弃了他在早期作品中所选择的自由流动的散文风格，而喜爱使用被他看作的更为严谨更为“科学的”表述方式——像荷尔德林一样，以一种冷峻的风格来建构他的思想体系，为的是不使读者们依赖他自己对语言的娴熟应用。对自创专门术语的范式上晦涩的黑格尔式的使用，依旧成为他从老友那里继承的最为含糊不清的现代主义者的雄心壮志。
Still, although his ambitions remained high, he had been chastened by his experiences in Frankfurt and by having to come to terms with the death of his father; he belatedly came to the realization that he had to throw himself wholeheartedly into becoming what Schelling already was: a systematic philosopher. No other decision Hegel was ever to take was so decisive for him as that resolution to move to Jena and try his luck at something at which, thus far, he had experienced no real success.
还有就是，虽然他依旧志存高远，但是他早已因他法兰克福经历备受磨炼和因必须让步于父亲去世而备受煎熬；他很迟才认识到他得全身心地使他自己成为谢林已经做成的人：一位自成体系的哲学家。黑格尔很可能有生以来所作出的其他决定都不像他现在决心移居耶拿和决心在某些东西方面碰碰运气这个决定一样干净利落，在某些东西方面，到目前为止，他还没有尝到真正成功的滋味是什么。
Jena: Hegel’s Transformation
耶拿：黑格尔的转型
In making the decision to go to Jena, Hegel thus also resolved to effect a decisive transformation of his old project and his plan for his life. His early identification with Bildung easily fit into the Fichtean model of the university: If the university was the central institution of modern life, and was to be staffed and run by “philosophical minds,” men of Bildung, then people like himself rightfully belonged in the university and in the field that was at the summit of university life: systematic philosophy. His failure at practical “intervention” in the process of moral and spiritual renewal could now be redeemed by following in the footsteps of his friend Schelling.
由于作出去耶拿的决定，黑格尔因此也就决意使他旧有的计划和人生规划出现决定性的转型。他早期对教养的认同很容易适应费希特的大学模式：假如大学是现代生活的核心机构，假如大学全体职员和管理者将是“有哲学头脑的”有教养的人，那么像黑格尔自己一样的人们就恰好适合在大学和适合在这个作为大学生活最高的领域：体系哲学。他在对道德重生和精神重生过程中实际“干预”的失败现在可能凭借步谢林后尘加以弥补。
Indeed, this decision was to give a definitive shape to the rest of Hegel’s life. Although he was not to get a regular (what was called an “ordinary”) appointment at a university until 1817, when he was fortyseven years old, he never abandoned the goal of securing such an appointment after having committed himself to that ideal. After 1800, he firmly believed that the university was the sole institution in which he could achieve the objectives he had set for himself while at Tubingen, and he was never again to waver in his conviction that not only was systematic philosophy the unifying point of all the disparate faculties of the modern university, but systematic philosophizing was a central if not in fact the central activity of modern life.
更确切地说，上述这个决定必将给黑格尔余生定下了调子。虽然他必将没有得到大学定期的（可称之为“普通的”）聘用直到1817年为止，其时他已近知天命之年，但是他在承诺去实现这个理想后从未放弃谋得这样一个职位的目标。在1800年后，他坚信大学是唯一的在其中他可以达到他早在图宾根时就已为他自己确立的特定目标的机构，他肯定绝不会再度动摇他这样的信念，也即他不仅坚信体系哲学能把现代大学中所有全然不相干的系科融为一体，而且坚信体系哲学化是现代生活的一个中心活动，假如体系哲学化其实不是现代生活的这个核心活动。
Jena: The Modern University Takes Shape
耶拿：现代大学的成形
The town and the university had become famous at the end of the eighteenth century for their dazzling intellectual and cultural life, a development significant not just for Jena itself but for all of Germany. All universities in Germany were in a state of crisis by this time. They were widely seen an antiquated, medieval institutions, corrupt to the core, run by a professoriate that was increasingly seen as teaching completely outmoded, useless knowledge, and fit only to be abolished (as the French had in fact done immediately after the Revolution). Even worse, the universities were turning out young men with no prospects for employment; there were simply not enough government and pastoral positions for all the men emerging with degrees of Magister from the German university system. Not surprisingly, student attendance at the universities was also dropping off precipitously, and many universities had become only expensive shells supported by increasingly uninterested princes. They were objects of increasing scorn; Goethe, for example, savagely mocked them in his play Faust. Because of this, many old German universities in fact simply ceased to exist during this period, and others were soon to pass away. Among others, Cologne (founded in 1388) ended its life in 1798; Helmstedt (founded in 1576) ceased to be after 1809; and Frankfurt on the Oder (born in 1506) expired in 1811.“ In fact, twenty-two German universities (more than half of the previously existing number) ceased to exist during the Napoleonic period.^’
耶拿小镇和耶拿大学早在18世纪末就因它们令人赞叹不已的知识生活和文化生活闻名，这样的发展不仅对于耶拿自身而且对于整个德国都具有十分重要的意义。所有的德国大学到这时都处于危机状态中。它们被普遍地看作是由全体教授把持的过时的中世纪式从头烂到脚的机构，教授们日益被看作是在传授完全落伍的史无前例的知识，它们已经到了非废除不可的地步（像法国人在法国大革命后实际上迅速这样做的一样）。雪上加霜的是，有些大学证明年轻人的聘用前景十分堪忧；按照德国大学制度所有获得硕士学位的毕业生完全不够资格进入政府和担任牧师。自然而然的是，大学在校生人数同样也在出现锐减，很多大学仅仅成了被日益对大学毫无兴趣的王公贵族支撑的昂贵而徒有其表的机构。它们逐渐成了被人嘲笑的对象；举例来说，歌德在他剧作《浮士德》中就狠狠地嘲笑它们。由于这种状况，德国很多老牌大学其实在这个阶段完全不复存在了，其他大学也必定不久就消失了。在其他大学中，（创建于1388年的）科隆大学1798年结束了它的生命，（创建于1576年的）黑尔姆施塔特大学在1809年后关闭；（诞生于1506年的）奥德河畔法兰克福大学1811年停止办学。实际上，有22所德国大学（超过先前存在大学半数以上）在拿破仑一世时期就已不复存在了。
Moreover, given the ways in which universities seemed to promote a disorderly life among students and the nepotism and corruption that plagued all of them, it increasingly seemed that not only were universities outmoded institutions, they were actually morally harmful institutions for their youthful students. Universities thus seemed like the last place from which an important cultural movement of any kind would emanate, much less a movement as vibrant as had come out of the small, unimportant backwater town of Jena, whose university had traditionally been well known only for the exceptional rowdiness of its students. Jena’s students were famous for their crudity, their habit of dueling, their secret societies, their drunkenness, and their bullying of townsfolk lower in station than themselves. The students at Jena - as contemptuous of learning as any students had ever been anywhere at any time practiced the ritual of conferring on each other the title of Doctor cerevisiae et vim (doctor of wine and beer), the ceremony for which consisted in a candidate’s drinking as much beer as three other selected opponents.**'* Jena was, to put it mildly, not known as a place where the life of the mind flourished.
尚不止于此，考虑到看来好像受到大学助长的学生混乱的生活方式和使他们所有人都受到祸害的裙带关系和腐败，渐渐看来好像不仅仅大学成了过时的机构，大学实际上也成了对它们的青年学生造成道德伤害的机构。大学因而似乎像各种重要文化运动都将发源于的最后场所，更不必说这样的运动和出自耶拿这个很不起眼的死气沉沉小镇的运动一样充满生机，耶拿大学历来只是因它学生特有的粗暴行为而恶名在外。耶拿大学学生因他们的粗野、他们的决斗习惯、他们的秘密社团、他们的酗酒和他们欺辱比他们自己地位低下的镇民而恶名在外。耶拿大学学生——作为在任何时候任何地方都总是怀有的苔视学习的学生——练习一种彼此授予Doctor cerevisiae et vini（葡萄酒和啤酒博士）头衔的仪式，这种仪式在于要求一位候选人所饮啤酒数量上要等于其他三位备选对手所饮啤酒的总量，耶拿大学，说得客气点，根本就不是一个思想生活活跃的场所。
There were of course some exceptions in Germany to this model of university life, but they were few and far between. The most significant of these was Gottingen University, founded by the Hannoverian princes in 1737 and dedicated to modern principles.**^ The founders of Gottingen gave theology - traditionally the dominant subject in the university, and at many universities for all practical purposes the only subject - a very subordinate position. Having seen the damage that religious disputes had caused at Halle — an uncharacteristically prosperous university that had declined sharply when the Pietists there managed to get Christian Wolff (at that time the leading philosopher in Germany) dismissed from his position on doctrinal grounds - the founders of Gottingen were anxious to avoid the sectarianism that had often plagued German universities. The corresponding academic freedom that resulted from playing down the role of theology curiously enough even made Gottingen the leader in Enlightenment biblical criticism. The founders also consciously deemphasized philosophy, the other characteristically central faculty of a traditional German university; unlike the case of theology, however, that did not lead to its becoming a center of philosophical thought.
在德国当然有人对大学生活模式提出某些异议，而这些异议实属凤毛麟角。这些大学中最重要的当属哥廷根大学，由汉诺威亲王创建于1737年，致力于现代原理的研究，哥廷根大学创建者把神学——历来是大学龙头学科在很多大学实际上是唯一学科——放在非常次要的位置。在看出了宗教争论对哈勒大学——一所那里的虔信派教徒设法把克里斯蒂安·沃尔夫（那时德国一流哲学家）从教义宝座上拉下马时骤然衰微了的毫无特色的兴旺发达的大学——造成的危害后，哥廷根大学创建者们极力地避免这样的常常会给德国大学造成危害的宗派主义。因降低神学扮演的角色而带来相应的学术自由，甚至还使哥廷根成了启蒙运动中《圣经》批评的领导者，这是令人感到非常好奇的事情。哥廷根大学创建者同样也自觉地降低哲学这另一门在传统德国大学中富有特征的核心系科的重要性；可是，和神学情况不一样，这种做法不会导致神学将成为哲学思考的中心。
Gottingen offered its professors both high salaries relative to other universities and freedom of thought, and it sought to attract only famous professors. It quickly excelled in what we would now call the social sciences. Most importantly, Gottingen made a conscious effort to attract a clientele not traditionally oriented to university life: the nobility. The nobility had typically ignored university life, preferring instead to go to a “knightly academy” (a Ritterakademie) where the emphasis was not so much on knowledge as it was on becoming the German version of a Renaissance gentleman.“ Gottingen made a conscious attempt to attract these types (who typically paid higher fees) and thus offered instruction not only in law and social science (knowledge useful for running a Land) but also in “dancing, drawing, fencing, riding, music, and conversation in modern languages.”*^’ Gottingen succeeded; even though the nobility made up only two percent of the population, they composed more than thirteen percent of the students at Gottingen.
哥廷根既为教授们提供相对高于其他大学的薪水又为教授们营造自由思考的氛围，这样做只是试图吸引名教授前来哥廷根执教。它迅速拥有超强的我们现在通常所称作的社会科学。最重要的是，哥廷根有意努力去吸引一种不是传统意义上为大学生活定位的客户：贵族。贵族通常忽视大学生活，反倒宁可去“骑士学院”（Ritterakademie），骑士学院重点不在于使人满腹经纶而在于使人变成德国版文艺复兴时期的绅士。哥廷根大学有意识地尝试去吸引这些类型的人（他们通常缴纳学费更高），哥廷根大学因而不仅讲授法学和社会科学（对治理公国有用的知识），而且还讲授“舞蹈、绘画、击剑、骑术、音乐和现代语交流”。哥廷根大学取得了成功；尽管贵族只占人口总数2%，他们却构成了哥廷根大学在校生30%以上。
Jena’s intellectual supplanting of Gottingen was due to some contingent factors that put it in the position to answer some deeply felt needs of the time. Jena had none of Gottingen’s natural advantages. It was a small, insignificant town whose population almost never rose above 4,500. The wealthy Hannoverians, linked to the English royal family, lavishly supported their university at Gottingen, but the Thiiringen princes in charge of Jena were more or less indifferent to their own, both in enthusiasm and in financial support. The salaries at Jena were notoriously low, amounting to between 460 to 260 Thalers per year. whereas a student was assumed to need 200 Thalers a year just to subsist.®^ However, for completely accidental reasons having to do with the history of Saxony (the Land in which Jena was located), the university, unlike all the other German universities, was not answerable to one individual noble for its patronage but instead to the four different Thiiringen nobles of Weimar, Coburg, Gotha, and Meiningen. This was fortunate for Jena; beholden to four different princes, it ended up for all practical purposes answering to none; the respective nobles could never meet or agree on anything, and they could not have cared less about the university. Although this meant that none of the Thiiringen princes was willing to give the university much support (or to increase professors’ salaries), it also meant that the Jena professoriate could achieve for themselves an unprecedented arena for freedom of thought and teaching, all of which they began exploiting around 1785.
耶拿知识界对哥廷根的排挤缘于某些偶然的因素，这些偶然因素使它能够回答当时某些被人深深感到的需求。耶拿根本没有哥廷根的天然优势。它是一个很小的无足轻重的城镇，人口几乎绝不会超过4500人。富裕的汉诺威人，与英国皇室有联系的汉诺威人，慷慨地支持他们的哥廷根大学，而掌管耶拿的图林根亲王或多或少情感上和财政上对他们自己的大学漠然置之。耶拿大学教职工薪水出了名的低，平均每人每年总共在460至260泰勒之间，而一个学生一年据说需要200泰勒才能勉强维持生计。可是，出于与萨克森（耶拿所在的公国）历史有关的完全偶然的原因，耶拿大学，不像所有的德国其他大学，不向一个单独为它提供庇护的贵族负责而向魏玛、科堡、哥达、迈宁根这四个不同的图林根贵族负责。这是耶拿大学的幸运；由于依靠这四位不同的贵族，耶拿大学实际上最终不向任何人负责；各个贵族绝不可能为任何事情碰面或就任何事情达成一致，他们可能丝毫不关心大学事务。虽然这种情况意味着图林根贵族根本不愿意提供耶拿大学很多资助（或增加教授薪水），但这种情况意味着耶拿大学全体教授可以独享空前的自由思考和教学舞台，所有这些在1785年左右开始在逐步拓展。
Jena was also fortunate because it lay in those territories protected by the 1795 Treaty of Basel, which exempted it from the Napoleonic decrees that had disrupted the activities of other German universities. Largely because of this and the freedom of thought it offered to intellectuals, in the period following 1785 Jena quickly attracted a series of literary and scientific leaders who came to enjoy the liberty offered them by the university, and it quickly developed an outstanding faculty in medicine, theology, law, and of course philosophy. In 1784 (or maybe as late as 1785), Christian Gottfried Schiitz began lecturing on the philosophy of Immanuel Kant, and Jena (not Konigsberg, where Kant lived) almost instantly became the center for the propagation of Kantian philosophy. Schiitz founded a journal, the Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung, which also quickly acquired a wide circulation across Germany and became the chief organ for the discussion and dissemination of Kantian ideas. The Jena professors were able to augment their meager incomes by writing for the Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung, which also paid uncharacteristically high honoraria for published articles.
耶拿大学之所以是幸运的还有一个原因，它所处的地区受到1795年《巴塞尔条约》保护，该条约使耶拿大学豁免于拿破仑一世时期为瓦解德国其他大学活动而颁布的法令。主要由于这一点和它为知识分子营造的思考自由的氛围，在1785年后这段时间耶拿大学很快吸引了一批文学和科学领军人物，他们着实喜爱耶拿大学为他们营造的自由氛围，耶拿大学很快在医学、神学、法学、当然还有哲学方面培养出了杰出系科。1784年（或大概晚至1785年），克里斯蒂安·戈特弗里德·许茨着手开设伊曼努尔·康德哲学讲座，耶拿（而非康德居住的柯尼斯堡）几乎立即成了康德哲学传播中心。许茨创办了《文学总汇报》这份杂志，该杂志同样也迅速地在全德国大量发行，成为探讨和传播康德哲学思想的主要工具。耶拿大学教授能够借助为《文学总汇报》撰稿增加他们的微薄收入，这同样也算是对得到发表文章的难得的高回报。
One of the most important elements in the development of Jena’s university was the acquisition in 1775 of a far-sighted minister of culture in Weimar who oversaw the university: Johann Wolfgang Goethe. When he came to Weimar, Goethe was already a figure of immensely high esteem in German life and letters and had also become quite a celebrity - indeed, perhaps the first real literary celebrity, in the sense of being an author whom people wanted to meet, and to hear him connect his personal experiences with his literary creations. Goethe took a keen interest in the development of the university and appointed a capable official, Christian Gottlob Voigt, to oversee the development of the institution. He was able to convince the poet and dramatist Friedrich Schiller to come to the university in 1789 as an “extraordinary” professor (so called because his position was not one of the officially funded “ordinary” chairs). Although Schiller was to leave Jena to move to Weimar in 1793, the joint prospect of being in the vicinity of two such famous men (Goethe and Schiller) was enough to draw intellectuals to Jena and, following in their wake, more serious students.
耶拿大学发展中最重要的因素之一是1775年增添了一位魏玛远见卓识的文化部长掌管这所大学，约翰·沃尔夫冈·歌德。当他到达魏玛的时候，歌德已经是德国人生活和文学中极受人尊敬的人物，同样也早已成了一个大名人——更确切地说，也许早已成了第一个真正的文学名人，从作为一个被人们想见想听他把他个人经历与文学创作联系起来的作者意义上说。歌德对耶拿大学的发展怀有浓厚的兴趣，并任命一个能力强的官员克里斯蒂安·戈特洛布·福格特接管这个机构的发展。他能够说服诗人兼剧作家弗里德里希·席勒在1789年来耶拿大学担任“特聘”教授（之所以这样称呼是因为他的职位不是一个由官方拨款的“普通”教授职位）。虽然席勒预定1793年离开耶拿移居魏玛，但是有机会一下子与两位诸如（歌德和谢林）这样的名人接近必将足以吸引知识分子来到耶拿和紧随着他们的到来而吸引更多真诚的学生来到耶拿。
The coming of Schiller and then shortly thereafter of Fichte changed the course of the university at Jena and helped to establish a more or less “Jena view” of the world. In his inaugural lecture in 1789 on “What Does It Mean and To What End Do We Study Universal History.?” Schiller sharply distinguished between what he called the Brotgelehrte (literally, bread-scholars) and the philosophischer Kopf (the philosophical mind), the difference being that between the student who comes to the university to learn some skills in order to enter a profession (the Brotgelehrte) and the student who comes solely from the love of learning (the philosophischer Kopf). Only the latter pursues a noble purpose and really belongs in a university, and Schiller called on the students to assume, each on his own, this responsibility for themselves. In 1794, Fichte came to the university (also as an “extraordinary” professor) and intensified the line that Schiller had already taken vis-Tvis the relationship between the university and intellectual life. Fichte’s lectures quickly became a sensation, and students began flocking to Jena to hear him speak; soon his lecture halls were so packed that students stood on ladders to peer in the windows when Fichte was lecturing.*^ Declaring himself a “priest of truth,” Fichte argued that the scholar is both the teacher and the educator of mankind, since only the scholar is able to come to grips and articulate the truth that is the necessary condition for all people to achieve their proper humanity.'*” Moreover, the apex of the scholarly world is occupied by the philosopher, since only he can possibly grasp the unity that is implicit in all the other scholarly activities of the university and hold the university together in its scholarly and moral mission. Even more strongly than Schiller, Fichte called on the students to assume such responsibilities for themselves.
席勒的到来，接着此后不久费希特的到来，改变了耶拿大学的发展进程，有助于建立一个或多或少的“耶拿世界观”。在1789年以题为“大学意味着什么和我们研究大学史到底为了什么？”的就职演讲中，席勒敏锐地区分他称之为的Brotgelehrte（直译为面包学人）和Philosophischer Kopf（有哲学头脑学人），也即区分那些想通过上大学学习某些技能以便从事一门职业的学生（Brotgelehrte）和那些完全因热爱学习而上大学的学生（Philosophischer Kopf）。唯独后者才会追求高尚的目标和真正适合上大学，席勒号召学生每个人都要承担起他们自己的责任。1794年费希特（同样也以“特聘”教授身份来耶拿大学执教，并进一步强化席勒关于在大学与知识生活关系方面早已采用的路线。费希特的讲演旋即引起轰动，学生们开始成群结队地涌向耶拿聆听他的讲座；不久他的讲座大厅如此地爆满以致有些学生站在梯子上透过窗户仔细看费希特讲演。“在宣称他自己是“真理的牧师”时，费希特论证道，学者既是人类的导师又是人类的教育家，因为只有学者才有能力逐渐把握和系统阐述真理而真理是所有想获得高尚人性的人们的必要条件。”尚不止于此，学者世界的顶峰被哲学家占据，因为只有他们才有可能把握一种暗含于大学所有其他学者活动中的统一并才有可能体现大学学者何命和道德体命合为一体。甚至比席勒更强烈的是，费希特号召大学生承担他们自己的这样的责任。
In Fichte s formulations, the university and, by implication, really only the university at Jena, was therefore to be the central institution of modern life, the place where knowledge was to be unified and the freedom of humanity was to be underwritten. In one fell swoop, Fichte had transformed the idea of the university from that of the antimodern institution per excellence, an outmoded, morally and intellectually bankrupt corporate holdover from medieval times, into the central institution of modernity’s wishes and demands. In some ways, just as Fichte’s philosophy w as a radicalization of Kantianism, his ideas on the university w ere a radicalization of the Enlightenment conception of the Republic of Letters, according to which the central institutions of modern life w ere comprised of the network of writers, publishers, booksellers, and those who ran the Enlightenment salons.
在费希特的系统阐述中，耶拿大学和暗示真正只有耶拿大学因此才必将成为现代生活的核心机构，才成为知识必将被一体化和人类自由必将得到加强的场所。一下子，费希特改变了世人对大学的看法，把自中世纪以来大学被看作极端反现代的机构或被看作一个过时的道德和知识上破产的社团剩余物，变成被看作现代性的希望和要求的中心机构。在这些方面，正像费希特哲学是激进化的康德主义一样，他对大学的看法同样也是使启蒙运动关于文学共和国的构想激进化了，依据这种被推向极端的构想，现代生活的中心机构由作家、出版商、书商和那些主办启蒙运动沙龙的人这一网络组成。
Kant himself was a proudly self-proclaimed member of the Republic of Letters, which, as the phrase at the time had it, claimed to know no national boundaries, and in his piece The Con flict of the Faculties, Kant had paved the w-ay for Fichte by arguing that not only had the philosophical faculty matured enough to break away from dependence on other faculties (particularly the theological faculty), it could in fact now assume preeminence among them since it and it alone was a fully autonomous study, not beholden to any other body for its core doctrines (making it different, for example, from law, which was beholden to what the legislators had enacted).
康德本人骄傲地自称为文学共和国的成员，文学共和国（像那时这个短语具有的含义一样）宣称不知道民族界线的存在，早在他的《系科之争》这部著作中，康德就已借助以下的论证为费希特思想发展铺平了道路：不仅哲学系早已成熟到足以摆脱对其他系科（特别是神学系）的依赖，而且哲学系其实现在可能在它们中表现得更为出色，因为哲学且唯有哲学才是一门充分自主的学科，才是一门因哲学的核心学说而使哲学自身不依靠任何其他系科的学科（举例来说，使哲学自身有别于法学，因为法学依靠立法者制定的东西）。
As always, Fichte radicalized Kant’s doctrine and laid the foundation for the typically modern claims about the centrality of the university as the gatekeeper for admission to the elite. Certainly before Fichte, few people would have thought that the university was destined for anything more than a subordinate status in the emerging new world of political, economic, and personal freedom. Fichte’s calls for freedom and responsibility and his charge to the university to become the institution of modern life had no less than a revolutionary effect on the students. Many freely offered to disband their secret societies and devote themselves to the ideals of learning, offering also in the process to hand themselves over to Fichte’s leadership. (Fichte’s rigidly moralistic personality led him to bungle things badly, leaving the students feeling betrayed by him, which led them in turn to disrupt his lectures, throw stones through his windows, and run him out of town; but after military troops were dispatched to Jena from Weimar and the student insurrection was decisively quashed, Fichte was able to reestablish himself, and his student supporters formed a short-lived Gesellschaft freter Manner Society of Free Men - to combat the old fraternities.)*''
一如既往，费希特使康德学说激进化并为大学作为接受精英的守门人的中心这一典型的现代主张奠定了基础。当然在费希特之前，很少有人可能认为大学注定在蓬勃兴起的政治、经济和个人自由的新世界中不是处于从属地位的机构。费希特对自由和责任的诉求与他对大学成为特定现代生活特定机构的指责，此二者丝毫赶不上革命对大学生产生的影响。很多人自愿脱离他们的秘密社团而献身于学术理想，他们同样也自愿在这个过程中把自己交给费希特领导。（费希特死板的道德主义个性致使他把某些事情搞得很糟，这就导致有些学生觉得被费希特出卖了，这反过来致使他们扰乱费希特讲课，通过窗户向费希特扔石头，试图把他赶出耶拿小镇；但是在军队从魏玛赶到耶拿且学生暴乱被果断平息后、费希特才得以回到原位，他的学生支持者成立一个短命的Gesellschaft freier Geister（自由人协会）——以跟旧有的兄弟会作斗争。）
What is more striking is how the students rapidly accepted Fichte’s claims and even demanded them. The generation of students attending Fichte’s early lectures was, of course, more or less Hegel’s own generation. During the late and post-Enlightenment period in which they had grown up, traditional religion had lost much of its hold on them. Many felt that the established churches had become far more interested in simply persecuting the unorthodox and protecting their privileges than in being the leaders of any kind of spiritual or moral movement. Fichte’s calls for the students to liberate themselves by assuming moral responsibility offered them an alternative to the orthodox religion they had rejected. They were now joined in a cause that went beyond their own private interests; they were called to be participants in a common social project that was to liberate them all collectively and individually.
更加引人注目的是，有些学生多么迅速地接受了费希特的主张，甚至他们多么迫切地需要费希特的主张。聆听费希特早期授课的那代大学生当然或多或少就是黑格尔自己这代人。在他们所成长于的启蒙运动后期和后启蒙运动阶段，传统宗教大体上丧失了对他们的束缚。很多人觉得，那些已经建立的教会早已仅仅对残酷迫害异教徒和保护它们自己的特权感兴趣，而远非对做任何种类的精神运动或道德运动的领导者感兴趣。费希特号召大学生们通过承担道德责任从而解放他们自己，这样的号召为他们提供一种已经被他们摒弃的正统宗教的抉择。他们眼下投身于超越他们自己私人利益的事业；他们受到召唤去参加制定一项必将使他们在集体和个体意义上得到彻底解放的共同的社会计划。
Perhaps just as important, Fichte’s new conception of the university gave intellectuals a new place in the world. Before the Revolution, young men in France had flocked to Paris with dreams of becoming “men of letters” only to discover that, contrary to what they had hoped and expected, the Republic of Letters simply had no salaried positions in it, and it was not therefore possible actually to make a living as an “author.” Many of these disappointed young men began increasingly to sympathize with the growing calls for a revolutionary transformation of society. Fichte’s reconceiving of the role of the university, however, effectively gave young German intellectuals (such as Hegel) an alternative to a free-standing career as a man of letters. They could instead pursue their intellectual careers as salaried professors within the institution of the university rather than being locked out of an intellectual career altogether. In effect, young men with modernizing ambitions could within a modern, Fichtean university assume a salaried position in the social order while remaining intellectuals.
也许正像十分重要的是，费希特关于大学的新构想赋予知识分子在世界中新的地位。在法国大革命前，法国青年人心怀做“文人”梦的想蜂拥而至巴黎，而到了巴黎他们只不过发现，与他们早已希望和期待的东西相反，这个文学共和国中根本就没有什么带薪职位，它因而实际上不可能使他们以“作者”身份谋生。在这些大失所望的青年人中，很多人开始逐渐支持日益增长的借助革命改变社会的呼声。不过，费希特对大学角色的重新构想实际上向德国青年知识分子（例如黑格尔）提供一种作为文人的独立职业的选择。他们不可能追求他们在大学机构中作为带薪教授的知识生涯，而知识生涯完全被拒之门外。实质上，那些心怀现代志向的年轻人可能假定在现代费希特式大学中存在着符合社会秩序而仍然为知识分子提供的带薪职位。
Fichte’s reconception of the university turned out to be one of the fundamentally modern stratagems for handling intellectuals, not just in Germany but elsewhere as well. By making them into salaried professionals in charge of what was supposed to be the crucial institution for the modern order, the danger that they would instead turn into smoldering, resentful men and women working outside the accepted social framework was put aside. After Fichte’s revolutionary reconceiving of the role of the university in modern life, the intellectual acquired the ability - and maybe even an odd sort of duty - to imagine his or her life henceforth as a Professor, not as a man or woman living outside society in some idealized state of the Republic of Letters. In some ways, the Professor became the salaried position within that idealized Republic. Fichte thus managed to recast the image of the university from that of a backward, outmoded institution inimical to all that was modern to the focal point of modern life itself, the agent of social and moral renewal; and philosophy was to be the pinnacle of that movement, the point in the university where all those elements came together. Fichte also succeeded in transforming the image of the professor from that of a pedantic, narrowly focused, antiquated fellow fit only to be an object of ridicule into that of a heroic, modern individual, the moral exemplar of modern life - into, in Fichte’s phrase, the “priest of truth.”
费希特因而想方设法去重塑德国大学的形象，想方设法把一个落后而过时的、对所有作为现代东西充满敌意的机构形象变成现代生活本身的焦点，变成社会重生和道德重生的行动者；哲学必将成为这场运动的顶峰，成为所有这些因素都汇聚于其中的大学中的焦点。费希特同样也成功地改变了教授的形象，使教授从一个迂腐、目标狭隘、因循守旧、仅仅适合于作为嘲弄对象的人物变成一个英雄般的现代个人或现代生活的道德楷模——变成，用费希特的话说，“真理的牧师”。
Jena’s “Literary Revels” and the Birth of Romanticism
耶拿的“文学盛宴”与浪漫主义的诞生
The intellectual efflorescence at Jena that had drawn in Schelling and now Hegel himself had attracted not only academics. The Jena environment - and particularly Fichte himself - drew in others who were only tangentially associated with the university. Fichte had put a great set of personal and moral demands on his hearers, summoning them to accept fully and individually the responsibility for their own actions and beliefs, but those demands had, almost paradoxically, been enthusiastically received. The dogmatists, Fichte claimed, were incapable of understanding the deep truths of the post-Kantian idealist turn in thought because they had yet to understand just how free they were; they simply failed to see that the buttresses holding them up were only self-erected props. Thus, no refutation of dogmatism (such as that offered by Kant’s and then Fichte’s philosophies) could gain any foothold in their minds because, as Fichte put it, they were incapable of understanding their own radical freedom.’^ Fichte called out to the audience at his lectures to assume their own freedom, to realize it within their own lives and reflections, and, implicitly, told them that those who continued to abide by the old order were personally incapable of perceiving this truth unless and until they somehow “converted” and came to grasp their own freedom.
耶拿知识繁荣昌盛早已吸引了谢林且眼下又吸引了黑格尔本人，而耶拿知识繁荣昌盛吸引了的不仅仅是大学教师。耶拿环境——特别是费希特本人——吸引了其他和耶拿大学绝对毫无关系的人们。费希特为他的听众提出了一大套个人要求和道德要求，号召他们充分接受从个人角度认同对他们自己的行动和信念负责，但几乎具有悖论意味的是这些要求早已被他们热情地接纳。独断论者们，费希特声称，不能理解后康德唯心主义思想转向的深度真相，因为他们仍然不得不去理解他们恰恰是多么自由；他们完全未能弄清把他们托起的支柱只不过是自我树立的支撑物。这样一来，凡是对独断论的反驳（例如康德哲学提供的继而费希特哲学提供的对独断论的反驳）都不可能在独断论者心目中获得任何立足点，因为，像费希特指出的，独断论者不能理解他们自己的激进的自由。“费希特在讲座上呼吁听众假定他们自己的自由，意识到他们自己的生活和反思领域的自由，并含蓄地告诉他们那些继续守护旧秩序的人们单凭个人不能够理解这个真相，直到他们设法“改变信仰”和最终把握他们自己的自由为止。
Obviously, a troubling set of questions would have arisen for those who took this message to heart. One was: How does one bring the “dogmatists” around to understanding their own freedom.? How does one effect such a change of soul? In the context of Germany at the time, this question had a real, deeply felt practical force to it. How was the moral and spiritual renewal of Germany - the very idea of the revolution - to be brought about if it was to be accomplished by those who continued to think of themselves as “unfree” (and to rely on the accepted canons of tradition and church)? The answer that quickly emerged came from a creative and brilliant misreading of what Kant and Fichte were demanding: The power of the imagination, especially as employed by self-possessed artists (those willing to break with the accepted, given “classical” standards of art), would be the vehicle by which people would be brought around to this spiritual change. The Romantic artist (and not the classical artist slavishly following the socalled classical forms) would be the vehicle for the dispensation of the new order. By exhibiting freedom at work, art would become emancipatory and thereby also become political.
十分明显地，一系列令人烦恼的问题大概对于那些非常关心这个信息的人们来说已经产生了。问题之一是：一个人怎样致使“独断论者们”去理解他们自己的自由呢？一个人怎么使“独断论者们”发生这样的心灵变化呢？在当时德国语境中，这个问题对德国具有一种真正的、被人深深感受到的实践力量。德国的道德重生和精神重生——革命这一特有的观念——怎么必将被致使得以产生，如果这两种重生必将被那些继续把他们自己看作“无自由的”人们所完成（和必将依赖于得到认可的传统和教会的规范）？一个不次就出现的答案来自对康德和费希特所要求的东西作出创造性的卓越的误读误解：想象力，特别是作为沉着的艺术家们（那些愿意打破得到认同的、给予的“古典”艺术标准的人们）所使用的想象力，应该成为人们将借以被促使产生精神变化的工具。浪漫派艺术家（而非盲目遵从所谓古典形式的古典派艺术家）将充当传播新秩序的工具。依靠展示自由的作用，艺术有可能成变成思想解放工具，由此艺术同样也有可能变成政治工具。
