第3章 “从伯尔尼到法兰克福再到耶拿时期：失败的计划和新的开始”(3)
They no doubt disputed with each other about the relative merits of Catholicism and Protestantism, although there is no reason to think that these conversations ever went very deep. Hegel apparently could never take women seriously as intellectual equals; the idea of the modern emancipated woman was not one with which - to put the most charitable reading on his behavior - he felt comfortable. No doubt he could not take seriously the disputations of a young Catholic woman of so much less education than he. However, Nanette Endel could give as well as take; she teased him about his vaunted intellectual superiority, addressing him as Magister (Master, his degree title from the university), and Hegel quite obviously was willing to accept such teasing from someone who was willing to engage with him on a less than fully serious level. (Even later in Berlin, Hegel had a preference for passing a good part of his time with less educated people who liked to joke and play cards rather than those who insisted on discussing more heady intellectual matters; in fact, Hegel’s circle of friends always included a diverse throng of people.)
他们无疑彼此争论天主教和新教相对优劣问题，尽管没有理由认为这些争论很有深度。黑格尔显然绝不可能认真地把女子看作和男子智力上是平等的；思想解放的现代女子想法不是一种——一对他的行为作出最为宽容的解读——被他觉得很舒服的想法。毋庸置疑，他不可能把跟信奉天主教的年轻女子争论当回事，因为她比起他来所受的教育实在太少了。然而纳内特·恩德尔毫不示弱地反击黑格尔；她取笑他知识上占优是自吹自擂，称他为Magister（硕士这个他从大学获得的学位），黑格尔很显然愿意接受来自树人的取笑，因为此人愿意在完全开玩笑层面上和他交手。（甚至后来在柏林时期，黑格尔仍然宁可和受教育程度低的喜欢开玩笑的牌友一起度过大量时光，而不愿意和那些坚持探讨更使人头痛的知识问题的人们在一起；实际上，黑格尔朋友圈中总是有着一帮各色各样的人们。）
The flirtation and joking with Nanette Endel obviously helped to revive Hegel’s spirits and put his all-too-serious reflections on modern religion into perspective. Each morning she would help him tie his cravat, and in the evening he would read to the gathered family and Ms. Endel portions of a popular novel that had been serialized in Schiller’s magazine, Die Horen. (The fact that Hegel’s family subscribed to Schiller’s magazine is further evidence of the importance attached to Bildung in his family.) In a letter to her from Frankfurt — her letters to him were all, alas, probably destroyed by Hegel’s sons after his death Hegel mentions her going to “confession” for some unmentioned wrongdoing, and the context indicates that it was probably on account of a pass that Hegel made at her and her subsequent worrying that she had somehow “initiated” his behavior. He remarks jokingly on how much more strict the Catholics seem to be in Frankfurt and how she would not get off as easily there, and about how she had absolved him without “inflicting a penance.”^® Hegel remarks on how they danced a lot on the night of his departure from Stuttgart. In a very revealing letter to Nanette Endel from Frankfurt in 1797, Hegel interrupts himself after going on about serious moral themes, and notes simply, “I do not know why I always fall into general reflections. But you will forgive a man who was once a Magister, and who drags himself around with this title and its accessories as with a thorn in the flesh from an angel of Satan ... I have every reason to assume that longer association with you w'ould have liberated me more and granted me a greater capacity for merrymaking.”^^ He clearly missed her while in Frankfurt. In the little piece of verse she wrote almost thirty years later for her friend Christiane Hegel, about Hegel himself, she remarks on how, on Hegel’s departure from Stuttgart, she (ever the proper Catholic girl) had to assume a “penance” for herself, holding out both hands in order to avoid the kiss Hegel obviously wanted to give her.“
与纳内特·恩德尔的调情和开玩笑，明显有助于黑格尔提振精神，有助于使他对现代宗教极其严肃认真的沉思形成某些视角。每天早上她总是帮助他打领带，晚上他总是给一大家人和恩德尔女士朗读一篇通俗小说中的某些部分，这篇通俗小说在席勒主编的杂志《时序》上连载。（黑格尔家在席勒主编的杂志上签字这件事进一步证明教育在他家所具有的重要性。在一封从法兰克福寄给她的信中——遗憾的是她写给他的全部信件很可能在黑格尔死后都被他的儿子销毁了——黑格尔提到她要去为某些未提及的错误做法“忏悔”，信中语境表明这话很可能是在描述这样一种境况，黑格尔对她做出调情和她随后担心她以某种方式“激起”了他的调情行为，“他开玩笑地谈论天主教教徒看似在法兰克福多么更加道貌岸然，她大概在那里怎么不容易逃脱惩罚，她如何早已宽恕他而无须“施加悔过”。黑格尔谈论到他们俩在他离开斯图加特那个夜晚怎样跳了很长时间舞。在一封1797年从法兰克福写给纳内特·恩德尔的非常露骨的信中，黑格尔在连续谈论多个严肃的道德话题后突然中断，单刀直入地指出，“我不知道我为什么总是陷入全面的反省。但是你可能会宽恕这个男子，因为他曾是一名硕士，因为他费尽九牛二虎之力才获得这个头衔和它如同使撒旦天使苦恼的附属品……我有一切理由假定，与你长时间的交往也许已经使我思想更加解放，也许已经使我承认我更加寻欢作乐。”他显然当时在法兰克福的时候与她失之交臂。在一首她几乎30年后写给友人克里斯蒂安娜·黑格尔的小诗中，关于黑格尔本人，她谈论道，自黑格尔离开斯图加特后，她（这个向来循规蹈矩的信奉天主教女孩）怎样不得不假装为她自己“悔过”，伸出双手以挡开黑格尔明显想送给她的亲吻。
No doubt Hegel tossed around in his mind the idea of a more lasting relationship with Nanette Endel, and it is more than likely that Nanette Endel thought about much the same thing. How far these ruminations went, we cannot say, nor can we know if Hegel ever expressed his thoughts about this to Nanette Endel or if she expressed hers to him. Hegel’s relationship with Nanette Endel was surely colored by a romantic interest, but its extent and seriousness cannot be determined. Perhaps the religious difference, and maybe the class difference, were simply too great for either of them to overcome. In any event, they seemed to have had a jolly time together, and Hegel even mentioned the possibility, almost a year later, of their “visiting” each other, something that never came to pass.
毫无疑问，黑格尔想跟纳内特·恩德尔长期交好的想法令黑格尔寝食不安，这可能胜过纳内特·恩德尔对相同事情的许多思考。这两人的相思到底持续多次，我们无从谈起，我们也不知道黑格尔是否曾向纳内特·恩德尔表达过他的思念之情或她是否向他表达过她的思念之情。黑格尔与纳内特·恩德尔的关系肯定是绚丽多彩和充满浪漫情调的，但是我们无法确定这种关系的深浅和认真程度。也许宗教上的差异或许社会阶层差异太大以致他们两人每个人都根本无法克服这些差异。无论如何，他们看似共同度过了一段快活的时光，黑格尔甚至几乎在一年后还提到他们俩有可能彼此“拜访”，但是这事绝没有变成现实。
There were, however, other nonerotic matters afoot in Wiirttemberg at the time that also attracted Hegel’s attention and held it even for quite a while after he had relocated to Frankfurt. For the first time since 1770, the Wiirttemberg Parliament (the Landtag) had been summoned to meet on September 22, 1796, for the purpose of discussing the issue of war payments to France. (The “constitutional settlement” of 1770 had made the issue of such payments a matter for the assembly of estates to decide, so the duke had no choice but to summon the Landtag.) There was quite a bit of talk in the air that perhaps it would lead to a revolution in Wiirttemberg, just as the calling of the Estates General in France had led to the French Revolution. Moreover, after the troops of the revolutionary Republic of France had in 1796 and 1797 invaded Baden and Wiirttemberg from Strasbourg under the leadership of General Moreau, what were called the Swabian patriots “patriot” at this time meaning “those who showed the love of their country by wishing to renew it by reform or revolution”*' - cheered on the incursion, expecting the revolutionary French troops to support the revolutionary cause in Wiirttemberg.
然而，当时符腾堡正在发生的还有其他非情色的事情，这样的事情同样也吸引了黑格尔的注意力并甚至在他重新移居法兰克福后很长时间还在吸引他的注意力。自1770年以来第一次，符腾堡议会（the Landtag）在有关方面要求下在1796年12月22日召开，目的在于商讨对法战争赔款问题。（1770年的“制宪”早就使得这样的赔偿问题变成社会阶层开会决定的问题，所以符腾堡君主别无选择只得召集议会成员开会。）会上尽是些不着边际的大话空话，也许这当然会导致符腾堡革命，正像法国议会的要求导致了法国大革命一样。尚不止于此，在法兰西共和国革命军1796年和1797年在莫罗将军率领下先后入侵斯特拉斯堡的巴登和符腾堡之后，人们所称作的斯瓦比亚爱国者——“爱国者”在当时指的是“那些借助希望通过改革或革命来振兴国家从而显示对自已国家的热爱的人们”——欢呼法国革命军的入侵，期待法国革命军支持符腾堡的革命事业。
The incentives for unrest in Wiirttemberg had been building for some time. After his death in 1793, Karl Eugen was at first succeeded by his two brothers. His first successor was Ludwig Eugen, who ruled from 1793 to 1795. Under pressure from the other powers in Wiirttemberg and in light of Prussia’s treaty with France in 1795, Ludwig Eugen - who abolished the Karhschule.1 Tiibingen University’s great competitor - tried to enter into peace negotiations with France to keep Wiirttemberg away from the growing atmosphere of war in Europe. After his death, Friedrich Eugen (the other brother) succeeded him and ruled from 1795 until his death in 1797. Friedrich Eugen had been a Prussian general and Karl Eugen’s governor in the (French) territories of Mompelgard (Montbeliard). It was on his watch that General Moreau had crossed into Wiirttemberg in 1796 and effectively brought it into the French sphere of power; in 1796, the French had driven a hard bargain in the peace negotiations with Friedrich Eugen. Among other things, they had demanded both four million francs in war reparations and the right to freely march through Wiirttemberg. Because of losses suffered in skirmishes with Austrian troops, however, the French had to withdraw in the autumn of 1796 from all of southwest Germany. As a consequences of this withdrawal, Wiirttemberg was freed from plundering by French troops but was left open to plundering by Austrian troops. The situation, however, was again also made unstable by Napoleon’s coming in 1797 to within striking distance of Vienna after having routed Austrian troops in Italy. On July 9, 1797, a Cisalpine republic composed of Milan, Modena, Ferrara, Bologna, and Romagna was proclaimed by the victorious French troops. The Swabian patriots obviously hoped that something similar would fall to them once the French set foot in Wiirttemberg.
那将引起符腾堡动荡的刺激因素已经聚集了好长时间。在他1793年过世后，卡尔·欧根的职位起初由他两个兄弟继承。他的第一个继承者是路德维希·欧根，1793年至1795年主政。迫于符腾堡其他势力的压力，依据普鲁士1795年和法国签订的条约，路德维希·欧根——他关闭了卡尔学院这一图宾根大学最大竞争者——尝试跟法国进行和平谈判以使符腾堡远离欧洲逐渐增长的战争气氛。在路德维希·欧根驾崩后，弗里德里希·欧根（卡尔·欧根的另一个兄弟）继承了路德维希·欧根的王位，1795年开始主政直到1797年驾崩为止。弗里德里希·欧根曾是一名普鲁士将军和卡尔·欧根默佩尔加尔（蒙贝利亚尔）法国领地的管理者。正是在他的注视下，莫罗将军1796年率部进入符腾堡，实际上使得符腾堡成为法国势力范围；早在1796年，法国人就已跟弗里德里希·欧根展开了一场艰难的讨价还价的和谈。其中还包括一些事情，他们要求400万法郎用于战争赔款和有权自由通行符腾堡。然而，由于在与奥地利军队小规模冲突中遭受损失，法国人在1796年秋不得不撤出整个德国西南部。作为这次撤退的结果，符腾堡摆脱了法国军队的劫掠而却遭到奥地利军队的劫掠。可是，局面复又被拿破仑在1797年的到来搅得动荡不安，其时的拿破仑在意大利击溃奥地利军队后经过长途行军打击维也纳。1797年7月9日，得胜的法军宣布成立一个由米兰、摩德纳、费拉拉、博洛尼亚、罗马涅组成的山南共和国。斯瓦比亚爱国者明显希望一旦法国人进入符腾堡，相似的东西就将会降临到他们头上。
However, their hopes for support were too soon to be dampened. By the time of their incursions into Wiirttemberg, the French had assumed a much more self-interested policy. The Revolution had been continually under attack, and the French had thereby become less interested in spreading revolution in general than with preserving the successes of the Revolution at home. After the defeat of the Prussian-Austrian forces at Valmy in 1792, the counterrevolutionary German powers had continually tried to regroup, but French troops had continued to win scores of decisive battles in Germany. In April, 1795, the Prussians, badly battered, finally broke ranks with the Austrians and signed a treaty with the French, and in 1796 Napoleon Bonaparte, having just become a general, shifted the war to Italy and defeated the Austrians there. Nonetheless, despite these victories, the French had reason to fear (and history was to prove them right) that the counterrevolutionary coalition would spring up again. Moreover, they had to deal with counterrevolutionary activity within France itself; The revolt of the Vendee in western France - where pro-Catholic, antirevolutionary forces had asserted themselves - was putting great stress on the revolutionary regime in Paris. The last thing the regime believed it needed was to have a revolution break out in Germany in places where they were establishing beachheads for their protection against the Austrians and Prussians. Consequently, the revolutionary armies under Moreau tended to restrict themselves to pillaging the huts and houses of ordinary people in Wiirttemberg, leaving the castles of the nobility largely untouched. In October 1797, the French signed a treaty with the Austrian Habsburg regime at Campio Formio, which required the Austrians to cede the left bank of the Rhine and which in principle guaranteed compensation to Wiirttemberg for the lands west of the Rhine that the French had seized from it.
然而支撑他们的这种希望必定不久就将会破灭。到他们入侵了符腾堡时，法国人还假设了一种更加自鸣得意的政策。法国大革命继续受到打击，法国人因而大体上变得对传播革命不大感兴趣，而只是保护法国大革命在国内的胜利果实。在1792年于瓦尔米击败普鲁士奥地利联军后，德国反革命势力继续力图重整旗鼓东山再起，但是法国军队却继续在德国决定性战役中赢得胜利。1795年的4月，普鲁士人在经过残酷的战斗后最终与奥地利人分道扬镳而跟法国人签订条约，1796年拿破仑·波拿巴，在刚刚当上将军后，就转战意大利并在那里打败了奥地利人。然而，尽管取得了这些胜利，法国人仍然有理由担心（历史必将证明他们是对的）反革命联盟将会死灰复燃。不止于此，法国人必须对付法国自己内部的反革命活动：法国西部旺代的暴乱——那里亲天主教的反革命势力坚持他们自己的权利——给巴黎革命政权造成很大压力。革命政权相信它自己所需要的最后的东西很可能是德国某些地方爆发革命，在那些地方法国人建立堡垒以防止奥地利人和普鲁士人的攻击。结果是，莉罗领导下的革命军常常严格自律不私闯符腾堡黎民百姓的民宅，尽量不去染指贵族的城堡。1797年10月，法国人跟奥地利哈布斯堡王朝在坎波福米奥签订了条约，该条约要求奥地利人割让莱茵河左岸，原则上保证对符腾堡作出补偿，因为法国人根据该条约占领了莱茵河以西的土地。
In these circumstances, Wiirttemberg under Friedrich Eugen’s reignsimply became more and more ungovernable. The Ehrbarkeit beganasserting themselves as never before and on their own initiative sentrepresentatives to the Congress at Rastatt (a congress first convened in1797, at which the Germans ceded the city of Mainz to the French andwhich Hegel’s friends, Isaak von Sinclair and Holderlin, also attended).Thus Friedrich Eugen found himself in the embarrassing position ofhaving his own governmental representatives at the conference compet¬ing with the representatives appointed by the estates, with no clear lineof authority to decide who had responsibility for what. The battle ofthe estates with the monarch, however, took a much different turn whenon December 23, 1797, Friedrich Eugen died, and his oldest son,Friedrich II, assumed power. Friedrich II almost immediately launchedinto a protracted battle with the estates - a battle that he was eventuallyto win by using French power to consolidate his position against the oldestates of Wiirttemberg and thereby bring to an end the entrenchedgutes alte Recht (good old law). Not only was Friedrich II able to destroythe power of the estates; he was with French help to have himselfelevated from duke to king in 1806. However, in 1797, none of this was,of course, foreseeable.
在这种情况下，弗里德里希·欧根主政下的符腾堡简直变得越来越难以治理。符腾堡非贵族知名人士着手坚持他们自己以前从未有过的权利，自主派出代表参加拉施塔特会议（一次最初于1797年召开的会议，会上德国人把美因茨城割让给法国人，出席本次会议的还有黑格尔的友人伊萨克·冯·辛克莱和荷尔德林）。因而，弗里德里希·欧根发觉他自己处在让本次会议上他自己政府的代表与社会各阶层任命的代表彼此竞争的尬尬境地，没有清晰的权威思路来决定究竟谁应该对出现这种尬尬的局面负责。然而，社会各阶层与王室的争斗发生了重大转折，1797年11月23日弗里德里希·欧根驾崩，长子弗里德里希二世登基。弗里德里希二世几乎迅速跟社会各阶层进行一场旷日持久的斗争——一场他凭借下列做法赢得的由此使僵化的古老的美好的法律（gutes alte Recht）寿终正寝的斗争：利用法国力量反对符腾堡旧社会阶层进而巩固他的地位。不仅仅弗里德里希二世能够摧毁某些社会阶层的权力；他在法国人帮助下必将在1806年使自己由公爵提升为国君。然而在1797年这件事当然是完全无法预知的。
Although the Swabian patriots were certainly rankled by the refusal of the French to support their cause, this did not stop them from trying to foment some sort of revolution in Wiirttemberg. If anything, the incursions of the French only made their claims against the duke all the more pressing. The patriots ranged from those who merely wished to reassert against the duke the traditional claims of the estates in Wiirttemberg (which he was fighting tooth and nail) to those who wanted to do away with the duke and establish, a la France, a Wiirttemberg Republic. Moreover, the French incursion led to the postponing of the meeting of the Landtag, something that in itself did nothing to stop the political agitation going on in Wiirttemberg. It might indeed have actually fanned further discontent. As a consequence, Stuttgart itself became deluged with political pamphlets. It is virtually certain that Hegel read a great many of these; he even saved them, and several such pamphlets were found in his collection after his death in 1831.
虽然有些斯瓦比亚爱国者肯定因法国人拒绝支持他们的事业而感到痛心，但这却没有阻止他们尝试在符腾堡据起某种革命。如果说有什么不同的话，法国人的入侵只是让他们更加迫切地宣称反对公爵。斯瓦比亚爱国者们由两类人组成，他们分别是那些只希望重申反对公爵对待符腾堡社会阶层的传统主张（公爵正竭尽全力地与之作斗争）的人们与那些想废除公爵和在法国建立符腾堡共和国的人们。尚不止于此，法国人的入侵致使符腾堡议会会议延期召开，这件事本身根本无法阻止符腾堡正在发生的政治动荡。它确实可能实际上激起了人们更加不满。因此斯图加特本身变成了很多政治小册子泛滥成灾的地方。实际上黑格尔当然阅读过很多这类小册子；他甚至还收藏了它们，若干本这样的小册子在他1831年辞世后见于他的收藏中。
Although he became aware of these developments while staying at home in Stuttgart, after arriving in Frankfurt Hegel attempted to enter the debates in Wiirttemberg with a pamphlet of his own about the need for reform there (which also remained unpublished in his lifetime). In that pamphlet (or what survives of it), he struck out against the conservatives in the debate and argued that the institutions of the “constitutional settlement” in Wiirttemberg no longer corresponded to the shape that life in Wiirttemberg had come to assume. For the “new” Wiirttemberg, he proposed a system of representation in which the Landtag would have regular, periodic meetings, instead of the irregular ones that the duke would call only when pressured to do so.“ Echoing his Bernese Kantianism, he made a moral appeal to the Wiirttembergers for the “courage to practice justice.” The title of the manuscript in Hegel’s own handwriting is, “That the Magistrates Must be Elected by the Citizens {Biirgern); To the Wiirttemberg People,” but that was at some point crossed out and (in somebody else’s handwriting) is written instead, “On the Most Recent Internal Relations of Wiirttemberg, in particular on the Violation of the Magistrate’s Constitution; To Wiirttemberg’s Patriots.”) He sent the manuscript to three unnamed friends in Stuttgart, who, to his disappointment, talked him out of publishing it, claiming that the actions of the French in Wiirttemberg had discredited all apologies for and defenses of the Revolution in Wiirttemberg, and that Hegel’s manuscript would therefore serve only to set back the cause of reform rather than to help it.“ Hegel, no doubt reluctantly and somewhat dejectedly, put it aside, but he did not put aside his continuing reflections on the political state of affairs in Germany. (It was during this period that his translation and commentary on J .J. Cart’s pamphlet was anonymously published in 1798.)
虽然他住在斯图加特家中时开始注意到这些发展，但在到达法兰克福后黑格尔尝试参与那场关于他自己撰写的必须在符腾堡进行改革的小册子的争论（这本小册子同样也仍然没有在他生前发表）。在这本小册子（或它的残篇）中，他猛烈抨击这场争论中的保守派，坚称符腾堡的“制宪”机构不复与符腾堡生活最终呈现的形态相一致。至于“新的”符腾堡，他建议实行代议制，因此符腾堡议会应该正常定期召开会议，而不应该公爵总是仅仅在迫于压力时才召集代表召开临时会议。在重复他以伯尔尼时期康德哲学时，他道德上诉诸于“勇敢践行正义”的符腾堡人。一部系黑格尔自己笔迹的手稿题为“地方官必须由公民（bürger）选举；致符腾堡国民”，但是这部手稿中某些观点被删除了而被（用其他人笔迹）写出，“论符腾堡最近的内部关系，特别是论对文职官员任命的亵渎；致符腾堡爱国者”。他把这部手稿送给三位未被提及姓名的斯图加特朋友，这三位朋友，使他非常失望，建议他不要发表这部手稿，声称法国人在符腾堡所作所为根本不可相信是他们对符腾堡的道歉和对在符腾堡为法国大革命辩护的道欢，并声称黑格尔手稿因此应该仅仅起到阻碍改革事业的作用而非为帮助改革服务。黑格尔，无疑勉强地且有点沮丧地，把这部手稿束之高阁，而他继续对德意志政治事态进行反思。（正是在这个时期，他翻译和评注的J·卡特的小册子匿名出版于1798年。）
Frankfurt: Holderlin and New Horizons
Holderlin ’s Friendship, Holderlin’s Influence
法兰克福：荷尔德林和新视域
荷尔德林的友谊，荷尔德林的影响
In Berne, Hegel had felt isolated, but in Frankfurt, Hegel now found himself in the middle of things. Frankfurt was a bustling commercial town with a more cosmopolitan air than Berne at that time, and life with the Gogel family was a world away from the smug, reactionary family of the von Steigers. While in Frankfurt, Hegel wrote several letters to Nanette Endel, jokingly telling her about how little space there was for a Saint Alexis in Frankfurt. The prosperous, materialist Frankfurters, he said, certainly would be loathe to give up sex, but they would be even less inclined to give up their property. Hegel remarked that “upon mature reflection I have decided not to try to improve anything in these people, but on the contrary to howl with the wolves” (citing a German proverb that means, roughly, something between “when in Rome, do as the Romans do” and “if you can’t beat them, join them”), a far cry from the slightly depressive, moralizing tone he had brought with him from Berne to Stuttgart.'’'* In keeping with that new outlook of “if you can’t beat them, join them,” he also related to Nanette Endel how he was going to balls and to the opera in Frankfurt and how he had become more “equal to the world,” more like the world than the alienated, moralistic “educator of the people” in Berne could ever have been.®® He even indulged in Rousseauian exaggeration, noting that the experience of big city life would from time to time drive him out of Frankfurt to the country, where, as he told her, “I reconcile myself there in the arms of nature with myself and with men” and how the “stillness of nature” allowed him to “collect himself.”®® (All this from the man who only a year before had found a walk through nature in the Alps to be almost a complete waste of time.) In a remark intended to raise Ms. Endel’s eyebrows, he even remarked on how little he went to church: “As soon as you stopped holding me to piety, it was all over. I never more than pass by churches.”®''
在伯尔尼，黑格尔感到形单影只，而在法兰克福，黑格尔现在发觉闲不下手来。法兰克福这个商业城市喧嚣繁华，世界大都市气息胜过当时的伯尔尼，而且跟戈格尔家人生活在一起意味着远离冯·施泰格尔家人沾沾自喜的反动家族的世界。当在法兰克福的时候，黑格尔给纳内特·恩德尔写了若干封书信，开玩笑地告诉她在法兰克福圣亚历克西斯住的地方是多么的小。富有的、贪图物质享受的法兰克福人，他说道，当然也许喜欢把性挂在嘴边，而他们也许不大倾向于放弃他们的财产。黑格尔评论道，“按照成熟的反思，我已经决定不去尝试提升这些人的任何东西，而恰恰与狼的嗥叫相反”（引用一句德国谚语，谚语的意思大致介于“人乡随俗”与“无力胜之则从之”之间），一种稍带压抑、充满道德说教语调的远方的呼喊已经被他从伯尔尼带到斯图加特。“在恪守‘无力胜之则从之’这个新观点时，他同样也对纳内特·恩德尔诉说他多么想去参加法兰克福舞会和听歌剧，他怎么已经变得更加‘与世界平起平坐’和怎么已经变得更加像世界一样的东西，而那拒人于十里之外的、满口道德主义的伯尔尼‘人民教育家’绝不可能成为我这样的人。”他甚至沉溺于卢梭主义的浮夸言词，强调指出大城市生活经历当然时时把他从法兰克福赶到乡间，在乡间，像他告诉她的一样，“我在大自然的怀抱中同我自己同人们达成了一致”以及“大自然的宁静”怎么使他能够“凝神屏息”。（上述这些话都是出自一个男子之口，这个男子只在一年前就已发觉穿过阿尔卑斯山自然景观几乎完全是在浪费时间。）在一篇意在吸引纳内特·恩德尔眼球的评论中，他甚至谈论道，他是多么很少去教堂做礼拜：“您一不复认为我是虔诚的，这下子就全完了。我常常只是路过教堂而已。”
Most importantly for Hegel, he was reunited with his friend Holderlin. At the Seminary, Holderlin had been Hegel’s closest friend, and the attachment that the two felt for each other had clearly survived the few years since both had left Tubingen. During that period, Holderlin had attended Fichte’s lectures at Jena and was brimming with ideas about post-Kantian philosophy. Although moving swiftly into his short but brilliant career as a poet (he was to suffer a permanent mental breakdown in the early i8oos), Holderlin was at that point also passionately occupied with philosophy. He and Hegel lived only a short distance from each other, and they apparently engaged in a constant, intense discussion of politics, poetry, and philosophy, and camaraderie. The first volume of Holderlin’s poetic “novel,” Hyperion, was published shortly after Hegel’s arrival in Frankfurt, and he was at work on his poem Empedocles during Hegel’s stay there. (That the two discussed this work, and that the two friends influenced each other’s ideas during this period, is abundantly clear.)“
对于黑格尔来说最重要的是，他跟友人荷尔德林的重新相聚。早在图宾根神学院时，荷尔德林就已成为黑格尔最亲密的朋友，两人觉得自离开图宾根以来的几年中彼此情谊显然依旧。在这个阶段，荷尔德林听了费希特在耶拿的讲课，满脑子都是后康德哲学思想。虽然荷尔德林辉煌的诗人生涯只是昙花一现（他可能在19世纪初患了永久性精神分裂症），但是他在当时同样也充满着哲学激情。他与黑格尔彼此住得很近，他们很明显忙于不断在政治学、诗歌、哲学和同志情谊方面进行热烈的探讨。荷尔德林诗体“小说”第一卷《许佩里翁》在黑格尔抵达法兰克福后不久出版，他在黑格尔逗留法兰克福期间正从事《恩培多克勒斯》这首诗的创作。（两人探讨过这篇作品，两位朋友在这个阶段影响彼此的思想，这一点是极其清楚的。）
While he was at Berne, Hegel had even written a long, Holderlin-like poem to his friend entitled “Eleusis,” a reference to the Eleusinian mysteries of ancient Greece. The poem is basically a long, Rousseauinspired tribute to their friendship and common ideals, among them the shared Spinozism of their youth. Indeed, it is a rather strikingly “early Romantic” piece by someone who was later to become one of Romanticism’s strongest critics. Along with some of his other writings during this period, “Eleusis” suggests that under Holderlin’s influence Hegel had half-heartedly tried to become a Romantic of sorts, both before and during the first part of his move to Frankfurt. However, it was an attempt that was bound to fall short. Hegel’s personality and interests were simply at odds with Romanticism, just as they were at odds with his theoretically Rousseauian attitude toward nature, and as his stay at Frankfurt lengthened, he shed his little bits and pieces of Romanticism as quickly as he had acquired them. By the time he moved from Frankfurt to Jena, he had permanently abandoned whatever remained of his brief self-conscious dalliance with that kind of Romanticism.
当在伯尔尼的时候，黑格尔甚至还为朋友写了一首类似荷尔德林诗体的题为《埃琉西斯》长诗，这首长诗中涉及古希腊埃琉西斯的秘密仪式。该诗基本上是对他和荷尔德林长期的友情和受到卢梭思想启迪形成的共同理想的礼赞，这些理想中同时含有他们两年轻时共同具有的斯宾诺莎主义。更确切地说，它是某人的带有相当强烈的“早期的浪漫主义”诗作、这里的某人后来可能成为浪漫主义最猛烈的批评者之一。连同这个阶段他其他的一些著作，《埃琉西斯》使人想到在荷尔德林影响下黑格尔已经无心努力去做浪漫主义中的一员，在此之前和在他移居法兰克福初期都是如此。然而，正是这样的一种尝试必然是毫无结果的。黑格尔的性格和兴趣完全是与浪漫主义相抵触的，就像它们完全是与他理论上卢梭主义式地对待自然的态度相抵触的一样，随着他在法兰克福逗留时间越来越长，他迅速地抛弃了他心目中零零星星的浪漫主义，就像他迅速地获取它们一样。截至他从法兰克福移居耶拿时，他永远地抛弃了任何种类仍然使他草率地不自然的浪漫主义嬉戏。
Holderlin himself had begun his career after the Seminary in the same way that Hegel had. He too had become a Hofmeister, and the experience had, like Hegel’s, been none too pleasant. The poet Schiller had convinced Charlotte von Kalb that Holderlin would be ideal for what she was seeking in a Hofmeister, and at first everything seemed to be going well. But Holderlin soon began to feel that he was simply being used by the family (something that obviously came with the position but which offended his sense of himself), and he had an affair with a divorced governess in the house, who became pregnant by him. (The child died at eighteen months of age.) Moreover, Holderlin’s relation to his young pupil deteriorated from an initially affectionate affair into one characterized by, to put it euphemistically, the infliction of discipline. In a lapse of judgment, Charlotte von Kalb had sent Holderlin to Jena with her ten-year-old son, and the results were disastrous: Holderlin, naturally enough, wanted to be around Schiller, Goethe, and Fichte; he resented having to attend to the boy; and he ended up by inflicting beatings on the boy. (Holderlin became obsessed with the boy’s masturbating and wished to “cure” him of the desire.)^’ Luckily for Holderlin, Charlotte von Kalb dismissed him without cen- sure, even giving him three months’ salary so that he could set himself up in Jena.
荷尔德林本人在离开图宾根神学院后以与黑格尔采取的相同方式开始了他的职业生涯。他同样也成了一名家庭教师，这个经历、像黑格尔的经历一样，丝毫不能令他感到愉快。诗人席勒早已使夏洛特·冯·卡尔布确信，荷尔德林应该是她所要寻找的理想的家庭教师，起初一切看来好像都非常顺利。可是荷尔德林不久开始感觉到他简直就是在被卡尔布家使用（被使用明显是这个职位性质决定的而从他自己观点看这样被使用冒犯了他），其时他跟一位离异的女房东有过一段风流韵事，她怀上了他的孩子。（孩子18个月大时夭折。尚不止于此，荷尔德林与他的少东家关系逐渐恶化，说得委婉点，从最初盛情诚挚的师生关系变成了某种被描述为纪律上的惩罚。为惩罚失误，夏洛特·冯·卡尔布把荷尔德林连同她的10岁儿子送到耶拿，结果糟糕透顶的是：荷尔德林，十分自然地，想围绕席勒、歌德和费希特身边；他憎恨不得不去照顾少东家；他最终以惩罚的名义对少东家拳脚相加。（荷尔德林为少东家的手淫所困扰、并希望“消除”他手淫的欲望。）“对于荷尔德林来说幸运的是，夏洛特·冯·卡尔布解雇了他而没有指责他，甚至还发给他三个月薪水，这样他就可以在耶拿安顿下来。
Hdlderlin took the offer and moved to Jena, where he made the acquaintance of the leading literary lights there and renewed his friendship with Isaak von Sinclair, a friend who had been at Tubingen with Hegel and himself (Von Sinclair had studied law.) For reasons that remain obscure (but probably having to do with his running out of money), he rather abruptly left Jena in 1795 to return home. At the same time, his friend, von Sinclair, was in effect dismissed from the university for some unspecified political disturbance. (Von Sinclair, being noble, was not actually dismissed, since nobles could not be dismissed; he was instead “advised to leave.”) In January of 1796, however, Hdlderlin managed to land a position with the household of Jakob Friedrich Gontard and his wife Susette as Hofmeister for their children. Jakob Gontard, only six years older than Hdlderlin, was the heir of a banking family in Frankfurt and had become a very successful banker and textile producer himself His wife, Susette, a beautiful and cultured woman, was only one year older than Hdlderlin. Jakob Gontard was a bit of a philistine, who neglected his poetry-loving wife, and the result was predictable. By July of 1796, Hdlderlin was writing his friend C. L. Neuffer of his love for Susette, and it is clear that the feelings were requited on her part. Hdlderlin quickly idealized Susette Gontard as a new embodiment of the Greek ideal to which he, Hegel, and Schelling had earlier dedicated themselves. (He was not alone in this; the sculptor, Landolin Ohmacht, did a bust of Susette Gontard in the classical style.) Susette became “Diotima” in his poems, the character from Plato’s Symposium who speaks so eloquently of love as the ascent from the beautiful body to the form of beauty itself In September of 1798, Hdlderlin left the Gontards’ employ; his sudden departure almost certainly had something to do with the ongoing affair with Susette Gontard, although the exact nature of what occasioned his leaving remains a bit murky. But it is quite clear that it upset both himself and Susette Gontard quite a bit, and they continued to see each covertly for a good while thereafter - indeed, until Hdlderlin finally left the Frankfurt area altogether. Hegel was often used as an intermediary to deliver messages between the two lovers and to arrange rendezvous between them.
荷尔德林带着薪金移居耶拿，在那里他结识了一流文学人物，重续与伊萨克·冯·辛克荷的友谊，辛克莱是黑格尔和荷尔德林本人早在图宾根时就已结交的朋友。（冯·辛克莱是学法律的。）出于某些至今仍然令人费解的原因（而很可能与他花光了钱有关），他1795年相当突然地离开耶拿返回家中。与此同时，他的朋友冯·辛克莱实质上因一些未得到具体说明的政治骚乱而被所在大学解雇。（冯·辛克莱，作为贵族，实际上没有被解雇，因为贵族不可能被解雇；他倒是被校方“建议自动离职”。）不过，1796年1月，荷尔德林想方设法在雅各布·弗里德里希·贡塔德及其妻子苏塞特这户人家谋得了个做他们子女家庭教师的职位。雅各布·贡塔德，只比荷尔德林大6岁，是法兰克福某个银行家族的继承人，早已成为一位非常成功的银行家和纺织厂老板。他的妻子苏塞特这位美丽而有教养的女性只比荷尔德林大1岁。雅各布·贡塔德，这位极为平庸之辈，冷落热爱诗歌的妻子，结果是可以预料的。到1796年7月，荷尔德林在致友人C·L·诺伊弗信中提到他对苏塞特的爱，十分清楚的是她需要感情。荷尔德林迅速把苏塞特视作希腊人理想的新化身，希腊人理想是他、黑格尔和谢林早年献身于的东西。（他在这里不觉得孤单。雕刻家兰多林·奥马赫特以古典风格雕了一尊苏塞特半身像。苏塞特成了他诗中的“狄奥提玛”，狄奥提玛是柏拉图《饮宴篇》中的人物，她极其雄辩地把爱说成是从身体美到美本身的形式的提升。1798年9月，荷尔德林辞掉了贡塔德的雇佣；他的突然离开几乎必定与苏塞特·贡塔德的持续发酵的风流韵事有关，尽管和他离开这件事相联系的确切性质至今仍然有点令人难以理解。可是很清楚他辞职这件事弄得他自己和苏塞特·贡塔德极其心烦意乱，他们两在很长一段时间后继续偷偷地看望对方——实际上，这种情况一直持续到荷尔德林最终完全离开法兰克福。黑格尔常常被当作中介人使用，为这对恋人传递信息、安排他们俩约会地点。
After leaving the Gontard family, Hdlderlin moved over to the little Landgravate of Homburg vor der Hohe, a postage stamp principality situated next to Frankfurt, where Isaak von Sinclair had become the minister to the prince of Hessen-Homburg. Homburg vor der Hohe had been carved out of a larger family domain as a particular principality in 1622, and there had been disputes ever since about to whom it really belonged, where its revenues were to come from, and so on. Because of this, the family of Hessen-Darmstadt was forever claiming rights against Hessen-Homburg. (Curiously enough, for a brief period in the late 1740S, J. J. Moser, the hero of Hegel’s parents’ generation and architect of the “constitutional compromise’’ in Wiirttemberg, had been the privy councilor and chief of chancellery there, but had been dismissed on account of his too-vigorous attempts to rein in the Landgrave's spending.)^'
在离开了贡塔德家后，荷尔德林搬到了霍姆堡的Landgrauate这个毗邻法兰克福的小公国，在那里伊莎克·冯·辛克莱做了黑森一洪堡亲王手下大臣。前赫厄洪堡早在1622年就被从一个大家族领地划出作为一个特殊的公国，自那时以来关于它真正归属于谁、它的赋税应该来自何处等等问题有过多次争论。由于这样，黑森一达姆施塔特家族长期以来一直声称对这个小公国拥有权利而反对黑森一洪堡亲王对这个小公国拥有权利。（十分令人奇怪地，在18世纪40年代后期一个较短阶段中，J·J·莫泽，这位黑格尔父辈那代的英雄和符腾堡“完法妥协方案”制定者，就已经在这个特殊的公国担任私人顾问兼首席大臣，但是因他过于热衷于企图控制Landgrave的开支而遭到解职。）
Holderlin’s passionate belief in the emancipatory potential of the French Revolution, a belief he shared with Hegel and Sinclair, had not been diminished either by the turn of events in France or by the growing French incursions into German territory. Hblderlin got a chance to see the war close up when, on Jacob Gontard’s orders, he took Susette Gontard and the children away from Frankfurt when the French were shelling the city - a command from Jacob Gontard that, given his wife’s and Holderlin’s feelings for each other, amounted to sending the rabbits off to guard the lettuce. Nonetheless, despite the suffering Holderlin witnessed, he did not budge from his rather idealized belief that the French were the new bearers of the promise of the renewal of Athenian freedom and beauty. He compared the French foes of the Revolution - there was, after all, an immense emigre community of French nobility living in Germany - with the despotic Persians against whom the Athenians defended their freedom.’^ His idealization of the Revolution and its promise began to be reflected in the poems of that period, which more and more reverted to images of an upheaval {gdhren) that would restore humanity to its original free and lovely state.
荷尔德林对法国大革命解放潜力的狂热的信念，一种他跟黑格尔和辛克莱所共同具有的信念，既没有因法国事件出现转机而消失也没有因法国人对德国领土的不断入侵而消失。荷尔德林获得了一次目睹战争接近尾声的机会，其时遵照雅各布·贡塔德吩咐，他把苏塞特·贡塔德及其子女带离法兰克福，时值法军在炮击法兰克福城——这条由雅各布·贡塔德下达的命令，考虑到他妻子和荷尔德林彼此感情，无异于派克子去保护生菜叶。不过，尽管荷尔德林亲眼目睹这些令他痛苦不堪，他仍然没有放弃他那相当理想化的信念，他相信法国人是承载使雅典自由与美重生的新承载者。他把法国大革命的敌人——毕站存在着一个由居住在德国的法国贵族组成的庞大流亡者社区——与那些反对雅典人保卫他们自由的暴虐的波斯人相比。“他对法国大革命及其承诺的理想化逐渐反映在这个阶段诗歌中，此时他的诗歌越来越回到对一种将会使人类复归原初自由和爱的国度剧变的生动描绘。
Holderlin had obviously looked forward eagerly to Hegel’s arrival. Holderlin even remarked to his friend Neuffer that his old friend was a more “calm, matter-of-fact” type of person and therefore someone around whom he could “orient” himselfHe told Hegel in a letter that Hegel had always been “his mentor,” and pointed out to Hegel that he could be “of use” to him, since “the infernal spirits that I took with me from Franconia and the ethereal spirits with metaphysical wings that have accompanied me since Jena have abandoned me since I have been in Frankfurt.It is also likely that Holderlin’s feelings about his relations with Hegel put a lot of stress on the friendship, especially given the situation in which Holderlin had landed himself with Susette Gontard and the way in which Hegel sometimes had to serve as a liaison between them.
荷尔德林明显热切地盼望着黑格尔的到达。荷尔德林甚至还对友人诺伊弗说道，他的老友是那种较为“心静如水脚踏实地”类型的人，因此他是个可以“坐怀不乱”的人。他在一封致黑格尔信中谈到黑格尔向来是“他的顾问”，并向黑格尔挑明黑格尔可能对他来说是“有用的”，因为“那被我从弗兰科尼亚带来的地狱中幽灵和那长着形而上学翅膀的自耶拿以来始终伴随着我的虚无缥缈的幽灵从我到了法兰克福以后已经抛弃了我。”同样很可能，荷尔德林觉得他与黑格尔的关系给他们之间的友情带来很多压力，特别是考虑到荷尔德林早已与苏塞特·贡塔德的风流韵事和黑格尔有时得借以充当苏塞特与荷尔德林之间联络人的方式。
Nonetheless, the years at Homburg vor der Hohe were a period of deeply passionate conversations among Hegel, Holderlin, Issak von Sinclair, and another friend, Jakob Zwilling, about Fichte, art and poetry, idealist philosophy in general, and radical politics.^® Holderlin’s halfbrother even remembered, years later, how during a visit to Frankfurt, Holderlin immediately took him to meet Hegel, and how, after Hegel warmly greeted Hblderlin’s half-brother, both Hegel and Holderlin promptly forgot he was even present as they launched into a vigorous philosophical debate.Hegel obviously felt that he had much to learn from his two old friends, Holderlin and von Sinclair, and from Zwilling. He, after all, had been marking time in Berne in the company of such intellectual luminaries as the von Steiger family, while they had been at Jena hearing Fichte’s lectures on the completion of the Kantian project and talking to the leading literary figures of the day, such as Schiller and Goethe. Never again in his life was he to be so caught up in the kind of intense intellectual friendship that he sustained during this period in Frankfurt.
然而，霍姆堡岁月是这样一个阶段，在黑格尔、荷尔德林、伊萨克·冯·辛克莱和另一位朋友雅各布·茨维林之间，就费希特、艺术与诗歌、通常的唯心主义哲学和激进政治学展开了深度热情的交谈。“荷尔德林同父异母兄弟甚至多年后还记得，在法兰克福参观期间，荷尔德林怎样迅速带他去见黑格尔，在黑格尔热情地和荷尔德林同父异母兄弟打招呼后，黑格尔和荷尔德林两人怎样在进行一场强有力的哲学争论时立刻忘记了他恰恰在场。”黑格尔明显觉得他必须向他两位老友荷尔德林和辛克荷学习很多东西，必须向荷尔德林学习很多东西。他毕竟早已表明在伯尔尼时期就与诸如冯·施泰格尔家人这样的知识界杰出人物成为朋友，同时他们早在耶拿时就已聆听费希特关于使康德哲学计划臻于完美的讲课和跟当时一流文学人物交谈，例如席勒和歌德。在他一生中他肯定再也没有被深深卷入这种被他在法兰克福阶段所维系的热烈的知识友谊中。
Holderlin’s influence on Hegel’s thought during this period was immense; indeed, he completely re-oriented Hegel’s intellectual direction. While at Jena, Holderlin had given much thought to what he thought was wrong in Fichte’s system, and his reflections on Fichte (and postKantian idealism in general) came as a complete revelation to Hegel. They served to make it clear to Hegel that his own efforts at “realizing” the Kantian philosophy by “applying” it had severely underestimated the extent of the problems that still remained Kant’s and Fichte’s own attempts at rendering it into a final form. Hegel thus became convinced that what he had only a few years before dismissed as merely “esoteric” matters were in fact the heart of the matter, and that for him to do what he had set out to do - to construct a line of thought that would guide modern life to its realization - he had to alter completely his plans for his future.
荷尔德林在这个阶段对黑格尔思想产生很大的影响；更确切地说，他对黑格尔思想发展的方向做出了全新的定位。当早在耶拿的时候，荷尔德林就已对在他看来费希特哲学体系中错误东西做出了很多思考，他对费希特（和通常的后康德唯心主义）的反思给黑格尔带来了全新的启示。荷尔德林的思考和反思可用来向黑格尔表明，他自己努力凭借“应用”康德哲学来“实现”康德哲学，这样的努力早已严重地低估了某些问题的程度，它们依旧是康德自己和费希特自己尝试使康德哲学成为最终形式的问题。黑格尔因此变得确信他仅仅在几年前就已不复考虑的作为纯粹“深奥”的问题实际上是核心问题，并因此变得确信就他将做他早已打算去做的事情（建构一条将会把现代生活引向它现实化的思路）而言，他不得不彻底改变他未来的计划。
The philosophical discussions were given added urgency by the increasing tempo of events in France. Neither Hegel nor Holderlin had ever given up on the French Revolution - both of them seeing it as an emancipatory movement and both of them hoping that something like it, without its accompanying violence, would also come to pass in Germany. During Hegel’s stay in Frankfurt, this looked as if it might come even sooner than either had anticipated. After the Austrians had signed a treaty with the French at Campo Formio in 1797 to end hostilities, direct negotiations between representatives of the Holy Roman Empire and the French commenced at the town of Rastatt in November 1797 and continued until April 1799. The German city of Mainz, which had been continually occupied since 1797 by the French, was during this period taken over by a set of “German Jacobins” led by Georg Forster, which in turn made the threat of the Revolution coming to Germany ever more palpable. After 1798, in fact, Mainz came to belong entirely to France and remained a French possession for a number of years. As the ranking minister of Homburg vor der Hohe, Isaak von Sinclair attended the congress at Rastatt as the prince’s representative and brought Holderlin along with him to the meetings. (Also attending the conference at various times were Napoleon, Goethe, and Metternich.) Even if Hegel and Holderlin had run out of topics in philosophy and literature (which they had not), Rastatt alone would have been enough to occupy their discussions.
哲学探讨被法国日趋发展的紧急事件所代替。黑格尔和荷尔德林两人都从未对法国大革命感到失望——他们两人都把法国大革命当作一场解放运动看待，他们两人都希望出现像法国大革命一样的东西，但不希望与法国大革命相伴而生的暴力，他们两人的看法和愿望同样也应该在德国得到实现。在黑格尔在法兰克福暂住期间，看似德国发生革命可能来得比他们两人中任何一个人预期的都要快。在奥地利人1797年于坎波福米奥与法国人签订结束敌对状态的条约后，神圣罗马帝国代表与法国人代表之间的直接谈判1797年12月在拉施塔特镇举行并且一直持续到1799年4月谈判才结束。德国美因茨城，自1797年以来就已三番五次被法国人占领的德国美因茨城，在这个阶段被格夷尔格·福斯特领导的一帮“德国雅各宾俱乐部成员”接管，这反过来又使席卷德国的法国大革命的威望变得更加明显。实际上，从1798年以后，美因茨终于完全属于法国并一直被法国人拥有多年。作为霍姆堡的首席部长伊萨克·冯·辛克莱以亲王代表身份出席拉施塔特会议并偕同荷尔德林参加这次会议。（在不同时间先后参加这次会议的还有拿破仑、歌德和梅特涅。）纵使黑格尔和荷尔德林偏离了哲学和文学主题（他们其实没有偏离哲学和文学主题），单在拉施塔特也许足以占满了他们探讨的时间。
In Prussia, Friedrich Wilhelm II died in November 16, 1797, leaving Prussia, one of the members of the coalition to defeat the Revolution, disordered, in debt, and tottering on the edge of vanishing as a power altogether. Napoleon had with the Abbe Sieyes staged a coup d’etat and on November 9-10, 1799 (18-19 Brumaire on the revolutionary French calendar), had made himself first consul of France; shortly thereafter the Directory, which had been the ruling body of France for most of the Revolution, was abolished. Modern life’s tempo was suddenly picking up.
在普鲁士，弗里德里希·威廉二世驾崩于1797年12月，留下了普鲁士，反对法国大革命联盟成员之一，混乱不堪，债台高筑，作为大国摇摇欲坠完全濒临灭亡。拿破仑伙同阿贝·西哀士发动政变并在1799年11月9至10日（法国人革命日历上的雾月18日至19日），使他自己摇身变成法国首任执政官；此后不久督政府，作为法国大革命绝大部分时间里法国统治机构的督政府，遭到废弃。所有这些突然加快了现代生活的节奏。
Hegel’s Choice: Renewed Contact with Schelling
黑格尔的选择：重新和谢林取得联系
Although Hegel and Holderlin shared a lot in those days, there were nonetheless always fundamental differences between the two in personality and general outlook. Holderlin was correct to see Hegel as a more “matter-of-fact” person than he was. While clearly quite philosophically gifted, Holderlin nonetheless remained first and foremost a poet, capable of producing unmatched lines of haunting beauty and perfect, complex meter. He had been influenced in Jena by the early Romantic talk of the unity of philosophy and poetry, and he wanted, at least at this stage of his life, to do both philosophy and poetry. He was, though, a sensitive personality, not the more prosaic, “matter-of-fact” fellow that Hegel was. He also came to depend on Hegel more than Hegel depended on him, and that put additional, even perhaps eventually unbearable, strains on their relationship. Nonetheless, in the intensity of their conversations on common interests, Holderlin and Hegel managed to stake out a common position, with most of the influence at this time coming from Holderlin. They did this despite the fact that Holderlin was moving into his mature poetic period while Hegel was intensely studying Kant’s Metaphysics of Ethics and the Scottish economists. (Hegel even wrote a commentary during this period on Kant’s book, although that manuscript has since been lost).^®
虽然黑格尔和荷尔德林那些日子里在很多问题上志同道合，但是在性格和总体观点方面两人间始终存在着根本性的差异。荷尔德林正确地把黑格尔当作一个比他更加“务实”的人看待。尽管显然很有哲学上的天赋，荷尔德林仍然首先是一名诗人，一名能够创造出一系列无与伦比的、在心头萦绕的美和完美复杂韵律的诗人。他早在耶拿时期就已经深受早期浪漫派关于使哲学与诗歌统一的谈论的影响，他起码在人生这个阶段既想去研究哲学又想去创作诗歌。尽管这样，他却仍然是一个性情中人，而不是像黑格尔那样较无诗意的“务实”的人。他同样也变得逐渐依赖黑格尔、这种依赖程度胜过黑格尔对他的依赖程度，这就导致他们的友谊出现了裂痕，甚至也许最终难以忍受的裂痕。不过，由于在共同感兴趣话题上的交谈产生强烈的共鸣，荷尔德林和黑格尔想方设法形成一种共同的立场，黑格尔在这个时期主要受到荷尔德林的影响。他们两在这个时期彼此相互影响，尽管事实上荷尔德林在转入他成熟的诗歌时期，其时黑格尔在极力研究康德《道德形而上学原理》和苏格兰经济学家。（黑格尔甚至在这个阶段还对康德的书作出评注，尽管这部手稿自那时起就已失落。）
The interests binding the two young men, though, were deep. Holderlin has been called, rightfully, the first great “modern” European poet, and Hegel’s strong interest in modern life were echoed by his friend’s interest in creating a “new sensibility” that would help to usher in the modern age. Holderlin’s conviction that it was the poet’s responsibility to fashion a new language appropriate to the new age - and to create a responsibility on the part of his readers to participate in fashioning this “new sensibility” - had a profound effect on Hegel; it was to lead him to make a decisive shift near the end of his stay in Frankfurt to abandon in his philosophical writings the more easygoing prose style of his earlier years and to adopt instead his own analogue of Holderlin’s notion of demanding that his readers actively participate in fashioning this new way of assuming responsibilities to the world and to each other. It was certainly Holderlin’s most ambiguous legacy to his old friend that he convinced him to cast his philosophy in a form that demanded of his readers that they take him on his terms. The sudden and profound shift in the style of writing and the growth of a recognizable “Hegelian” style of prose around the end of his Frankfurt stay and during his sojourn in Jena were indications of the depth of influence that Holderlin exercised on him — an influence that extended up until Hegel’s death.’®
然而，兴趣还是把这两个年轻人紧密地联系在一起。荷尔德林现在被人正确地称作第一个“现代”欧洲大诗人，黑格尔对现代生活的浓厚兴趣同样也得到了他朋友对创造一种势必有助于在现时代起到引领作用的“新鉴赏力”兴趣的印证。荷尔德林确信诗人的责任就是使一种新的适合新时代的语言得到流行——就是使读者感到有责任去参与使“新鉴赏力”得到流行——这样的确信对黑格尔产生了深刻的影响；这必将致使他临近离开法兰克福时作出一个决定性的转变，这就是他摒弃了他哲学作品中早年较为拖沓松散的散文体风格，而采用他自己的类似荷尔德林的叙述风格，这样的风格要求读者积极参与使这种对世界对彼此承担责任的新方式得以流行。荷尔德林使他确信以一种他的读者所要求的、他们按照他的术语对他作出理解的形式来打造他的哲学，这当然就是荷尔德林留给他老友的最为含糊不清的遗产。大约在他即将离开法兰克福之前和他旅居耶拿期间，这种写作风格上的突然而深度的转变和一种可以意识到的“黑格尔哲学”散文风格的逐渐生成，表明荷尔德林在他身上产生的深刻影响——一种一直持续到黑格尔去世的影响。
The results of Hegel’s own philosophical labors during this period were, however, to his mind disappointing, and although he certainly intended those pieces for publication, they did not appear until long after his death. Hegel’s impasse in the development of his thought during his Frankfurt period was, however, soon to receive a jolt from outside. On January 15, 1799, his sister Christiane wrote to Hegel to inform him that that their father had suddenly died. In March, Hegel set off for Stuttgart, where he stayed for three weeks to help straighten out his family’s affairs and work out the inheritance. He and his brother took roughly equal shares (Hegel received 3,154 florins [i.e.. Guilders], 24 Creuzers, and 4 Pfennigs; his brother received 3,354 Guilders, 24 Creuzers, and 4 Pfennigs), and they gave Christiane a bit more since she had not had the opportunity for any higher education (4,000 Guilders, 24 Creuzers, and 4 Pfennigs).®® After having settled the terms of the inheritance, Hegel returned to Frankfurt, probably entertaining seriously the idea that he would bring his activities as a Hofneister to a close and try once again to stake out a career as a writer. He worked on his manuscript “The Spirit of Christianity and Its Fate” along with several other texts on the same themes; and he did intensive studies of Kant and of Scottish theories of the economy, trying to bring all of his ideas about the emerging modern capitalist economy together with his ideas about the reforming powers of a true religion. It was also becoming quite clear to him that he was going to have to pursue a more rigorously philosophical course than he had previously thought, and, although he had some very general ideas about the direction in which he was moving thanks to his conversations with Holderlin, it was still not clear to him what precise form his thought should take.
不过黑格尔自已在这个阶段哲学劳作的结果如他所想是非常令人失望的；虽然他无疑有意把这些作品拿去发表，但是它们直到他去世后很长时间才见诸于世。不过黑格尔在法兰克福这个阶段思想发展中的僵局不久必将被从外地传来的一个噩耗弄得雪上加霜。1799年1月15日，妹妹克里斯蒂亚娜致信黑格尔告知父亲已然长逝。3月，黑格尔启程赴斯图加特奔丧，在那里他逗留了三个星期以帮助料理丧事和解决遗产分割问题。他和弟弟各自大体上拿到相等份额（黑格尔得到3154弗罗林[即盾]），24克罗伊策和4芬尼；弟弟得到了3354盾，24克罗伊策和4芬尼），他们给克里斯蒂亚娜的相对多一点，因为她早已失去了接受任何高等教育的机会（4000盾，24克罗伊策和4芬尼）。在分割完遗产份额后，黑格尔回到法兰克福，很可能认真地考虑过他将不再从事家庭教师工作，并再度试图从事作家工作。他撰写《基督教精神及其命运》这部手稿连同若干其他相同题目的文本；他集中研究了康德哲学和苏格兰经济理论，尝试使他关于新兴现代资本主义经济的全部想法与他关于真宗教改革动力的想法融为一体。同样在他看来也变得非常清晰的是，他打算必须去追寻一种严格的哲学道路而非他早先思考过的哲学道路，虽然他具有某些非常笼统的关于他因跟荷尔德林交谈而向着前进的方向的想法，但是在他看来仍然不清楚他的哲学思想应该采用何种确切的形式。
By 1800, yet another factor had entered the scene in Frankfurt. The stress had become too great for Holderlin and Susette Gontard; they loved each other but had become worn down by the impossibility of their respective situations. On May 8, 1800, Holderlin and Susette Gontard had their last meeting, and Holderlin returned home to Niirtingen after the death of his brother-in-law. While in Niirtingen, he wrote one of his most beautiful pieces, “Der Abschied” (“The Farewell”), in which he spoke to Susette (as Diotima) about the contradictions in the practical world that had driven them apart and how one day he hoped they would encounter each other again after their original desires had faded away, at which time they could calmly walk in the garden taking in their lovely memories (making it nonetheless clear in the poem how their desire for each other could never really cease).
到1800年，仍然有另一个因素登上了法兰克福舞台。压力变得太大以致荷尔德林和苏塞特·贡塔德无法承受；他们彼此相爱但因他们各自处境而使他们俩不可能结为夫妻。在1800年5月8日，荷尔德林与苏塞特·贡塔德见了最后一面，荷尔德林在同父异母哥哥死后回到尼尔廷根家中。当在尼尔廷根的时候，他写下了一生中最美的诗章之一《Der Abschied》（《离别》），诗中他对（作为狄奥提玛的）苏塞特说道，现实世界中的矛盾促使他们分离，他多么希望有一天他们将在他们最初的欲望消失后彼此再度相遇，他多么希望在那时他们可以带着他们可爱的记忆平静地行走在花园里（然而诗中表明他们彼此的欲望是怎么绝不可能真正地停息）。
