第3章 “从伯尔尼到法兰克福再到耶拿时期：失败的计划和新的开始”(6)
Hegel decided to write his own textbook for such a class, and the Cotta publishing company - a prominent firm (in fact, Goethe’s publisher) located at that time in Tubingen - announced in a small notice on June 24, 1802 that they would have such a book on “Logic and Metaphysics” from Dr. Hegel. In the meantime, Hegel’s Magister de- gree had somehow blossomed into a Doktor, apparently with the approval of the Jena examiners.
黑格尔决定为这样一门课撰写他自己的教科书，科塔出版公司——一家位于那时图宾根的著名公司（其实是歌德的出版公司）——在1802年6月24日贴出一张小海报，他们公司将出版这样一本由黑格尔博士撰写的关于《逻辑与形而上学》的书。与此同时，黑格尔的硕士学位也莫名其妙地变成了博士学位，这个更改显然已经得到耶拿书报审查官的批准。
Unfortunately, the announced book never appeared, although Hegel was working feverishly on such matters during his initial stay in Jena. During that first year, he wrote and published his first short book: The Difference between Fichte’s and Schelltng’s Systems of Philosophy, which appeared in September 1801, shortly after his habilitation defense, and which was taken by everyone to be a polemical defense of Schelling’s philosophy against Fichte’s philosophy- a striking thesis, since Schelling had until then been widely taken to be an orthodox defender of Fichte’s ideas.'” The publication of the book was timely. Although Schelling certainly wanted to establish himself as the obvious successor to Fichte, he had to contend with the great following that Fichte still had at the university. Not only had Niethammer’s journal shifted from one emphasizing discussions of the Kantian philosophy into basically a journal disseminating the Fichtean philosophy, the university still had a devoted and popular Fichtean lecturing on Fichte’s philosophy: Johann Baptist Schad, who like Fichte had been born into exceedingly modest circumstances - he was the son of Catholic farmers and had originally studied to be a priest - and who had taken his doctorate in philosophy at Jena and lectured on Fichte’s thought from 1799 until 1804 to large and sympathetic audiences.”^ Schad made no attempt at developing any original thoughts, contenting himself with simply developing in more popular form Fichte’s philosophy. Despite the unoriginal light Schad cast on things, he was nonetheless a representative of the remaining Fichtean influence at the university that made it difficult for Schelling to establish himself as the next logical step in the progression of postKantian thought that was beginning to take shape at Jena. Hegel’s essay was therefore clearly a boost for Schelling’s career.
令人遗憾的是，这本已经预告出版的书从未问世，尽管黑格尔在客居耶拿初期为此事兴奋地工作。在第一年期间，他撰写和发表第一部篇幅很短的著作：《费希特哲学体系与谢林哲学体系的差异》，该著问世于1801年9月，时值他任职资格论文答辩后不久，这本著作被所有人看作是对谢林哲学反对费希特哲学的论战式的辩护——一个惹人注目的论题，因为谢林直到那时仍然被普遍地看作是费希特思想的正统辩护人。该著的出版非常及时。虽然谢林当然想把他自己确立为费希特的堂堂正正继承者，但他不得不和费希特在耶拿大学仍然拥有的大批追随者展开竞争。不仅尼特哈默尔的杂志从着重对康德哲学的探讨基本上转成一份传播费希特哲学的杂志，而且耶拿大学依然在开设关于费希特哲学的专门而通俗的费希特讲座：主讲者系约翰·巴普蒂斯特·沙德，此君和费希特一样都是在极其温和环境下长大的——他是信奉天主教的农场主的儿子，最初想读大学做个牧师——此君获得耶拿大学哲学博士学位，从1799年至1804年一直讲授费希特思想，吸引大批听众前来听讲，引起听众赞同费希特思想。沙德从未尝试阐发任何原创性思想，满足于以较为通俗的形式简单地阐释费希特哲学思想。尽管沙德所阐发的东西是非原创性的，他仍然代表耶拿大学还是存有费希特哲学的影响，这就使谢林很难把他自已确立为在耶拿开始形成气候的后康德哲学思想发展过程中的下一个逻辑阶段。
It is also clear that although Hegel had finally committed himself to publication, he was again not fully satisfied with the results of his efforts. Nonetheless, he managed to turn out an astonishing amount of work during this period. Shortly after the Difference book had appeared, he and Schelling embarked on editing a critical journal together. The success of journals coming out of Jena, such as the Schlegels’ Athendum, Niethammer’s and Fichte’s Philosophisches Journal einer Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrten, and above all Schiitz’s Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung, had convinced J. F. Cotta to inaugurate another critical journal. The Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung had been the main organ for the dissemination of Kantian philosophy, the Philosophisches Journal einer Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrten had become the journal disseminating the idealist/Fichtean philosophy, and the Athendum had disseminated the new ideas of Romanticism. Schelling began negotiating with Cotta to bring out a new journal, which (although he did not say this) would clearly be oriented towards disseminating the Schellingian point of view. At first, he had planned to do this together with Fichte, but as the philosophical differences between them began to sharpen and as Hegel suddenly arrived on the scene, Schelling changed his mind and suggested to Hegel that he and Hegel coedit the journal, to be called the Kritische Journal der Philosophic {Critical Journal of Philosophy). Hegel published a variety of lengthy essays in the journal, all of them having a Schellingian cast. Indeed, this association with the Schellingian point of view was to hover over Hegel’s reputation to some extent for the rest of his life. Although the essays were unsigned, most people could detect from Hegel’s notorious writing style and sharp polemical asides which ones had been written by Hegel.
同样十分清楚的是，尽管黑格尔最终承诺发表《费希特哲学体系与谢林哲学体系的差异》这部著作，他再度不完全满意他努力的结果。然而，他想方设法在这个阶段创作出数量惊人的著作。在《费希特哲学体系与谢林哲学体系的差异》这部著作问世后不久，他就和谢林共同着手编辑一份评论杂志。一批在耶拿出版的杂志大获成功，例如谢林的《雅典娜神殿》，尼特哈默尔和费希特的Philosophisches Journal der Gesellschaft Teutscher Gelehrter（《德国学者协会哲学杂志》，最重要的是许茨的《文学总汇报》，这样的成功使J·F·科塔铁心要创办另一份评论杂志。《文学总汇报》是传播康德哲学的主要工具，《德国学者协会哲学杂志》成了传播唯心主义哲学或费希特哲学的杂志，以及《雅典娜神殿》杂志传播浪漫主义新思想。谢林起初与科塔商谈创办一份新杂志，新杂志当然明显定位为传播谢林哲学观点（尽管谢林没有这样说）。起先，他计划与费希特共同主编这份杂志，但是，因为他们两人之间的哲学差异逐渐变得越来越大，因为黑格尔突然出现在了耶拿这个哲学舞台上，所以，谢林改变了主意，向黑格尔提出他和黑格尔合编这份杂志，该杂志将被称作Kritische Journal der Philosophie（《哲学评论杂志》）。黑格尔在该杂志上发表多种长篇论文，它们全都有谢林哲学的影子。实际上，这种与谢林哲学观点的联系必将在某种程度上罩住了黑格尔余生的名声。虽然这批论文没有署名，绝大多数人还是能够从黑格尔糟糕的写作风格和机智的离题论战中发现它们出自黑格尔的手笔。
As work on the journal progressed, trouble began brewing between Hegel and Schelling. In letters to others, Schelling showed himself to be distancing himself at a fairly early stage from Hegel, even going so far as to attribute gaffes and infelicities in his own essays to failures on Hegel’s part to polish them up adequately before publication."^ In Schelling’s mind, no doubt, Hegel was an old friend whom he was helping out but who had no claims of his own to raise, whose role was simply to be a good soldier in the newly launched Schellingian movement in philosophy. That Hegel might have had his own views to work out that might not themselves be simple elaborations of the Schellingian point of view seems not to have occurred to Schelling. As far as Schelling was concerned, his own point of view was their shared point of view. Hegel was thus put in an uncomfortable position: To continue to serve as a loyal servant in the Schellingian cause was perhaps to abandon his own ambitions; yet to abandon the Schellingian cause was to subject himself to the risk of having no livelihood whatsoever and to disappoint an old friend who had come to his aid. He was, moreover, quite sensitive to any insinuation that he was merely a factotum or apologist for Schelling’s views. For example, when it was announced in a newspaper in Stuttgart that “Schelling has now fetched a stout warrior to Jena from his fatherland Wiirttemberg, through whom he gives notice to the astonished public that even Fichte stands far below his own viewpoint,” Hegel felt compelled to denounce this in an issue of the Critical Journal of PhilosophyHowever, Schelling continued to see himself and Hegel as working on a “common project,” which for him amounted only to Hegel working on his (Schelling’s) project. The tensions continued to mount between the two friends.
随着杂志编辑工作的发展，黑格尔与谢林之间逐渐产生不和。在致他人信中，谢林表明他自己要在相当早的阶段疏远黑格尔，甚至如此疏远以致他把他自己的论文中的失误和不恰当统统归咎于黑格尔未能在发表之前对它们进行适当润色。在谢林心目中，毋庸置疑，黑格尔这个老朋友不断得到他（谢林）的恩惠而黑格尔自己却不思进取，黑格尔只不过扮演一个新近发起的谢林哲学运动中的好战士角色。黑格尔可能已经提出他自己的某些看法而它们本身不可能是对谢林哲学观点的简单阐述，这个事实看来好像是谢林所始料不及的。就谢林而言，他自己的观点是他们俩共同的观点。黑格尔因此被置于一个非常尴尬的境地：要是继续充当谢林哲学事业的忠实仆人，也许必将放弃他自己的雄心壮志；然而要是放弃谢林哲学事业，无论如何可能使他自己面临失去生计之虞，无论如何可能令一个对他有所提携的老朋友大失所望。尚不止于此，他对外界任何含沙射影的说法都非常敏感，以致他纯粹成了谢林观点的奴仆或辩解者。举例来说，当下列这样的看法刊登在斯图加特报纸上时，黑格尔感觉到不得不在《哲学评论杂志》上撰文抨击这种看法：“谢林眼下把一个来自他祖国符腾堡顽强的斗士卖到了耶拿，通过这个斗士谢林想告诉感到惊讶的公众甚至就连费希特也远远逊色于他谢林自己的眼界。”可是，谢林则继续把他本人和黑格尔看作在致力于“共同的计划”，这话在他看来只是等于黑格尔在致力于他的（谢林的）计划。这两位好友之间的紧张关系在不断加剧。
In addition to the growing tensions between himself and Schelling, the bright lights of Jena that had beckoned Hegel were growing dimmer and dimmer. The decline of the university and of the town of Jena as an intellectual center was each year accelerating and making itself felt. When Hegel came in i8oi, this decline, although under way, was not yet in clear sight. To be sure, Fichte had been driven out of Jena, but Schelling had taken his place, and he and Schelling were editing a potentially important journal together. However, rather suddenly, just as there had been a mass movement of intellectuals to Jena in the last part of the eighteenth century, there occurred a rapid mass exodus of talent from Jena at the beginning of the nineteenth century. By 1803, none of the key members of the Romantic movement were any longer living in Jena. In 1802, the noted Kantian-inspired jurist Paul Johann Anselm von Feuerbach moved to Kiel. When in 1803 the university at Halle offered the outstanding sum of 1,400 Thalers to Professor Justus Christian Loder - an anatomist and surgeon on the medical faculty, who commanded immense moral authority and was thus known as the “true chancellor of the university” - he of course accepted the offer despite Goethe’s entreaties to him to stay and, adding insult to injury, took his invaluable collection of anatomical “specimens” with him.''^ After Loder announced his departure in 1803, Christian Schiitz announced a few weeks later that he too was moving to Halle, and, adding to Jena’s woes, that he was taking the Allgemeine Literatur Zeitung with him.
除他自己与谢林之间不断加剧的紧张关系之外，早就吸引着黑格尔的耶拿灯红酒绿的娱乐场所也在变得越来越暗淡无光。耶拿大学的衰落和作为知识中心的耶拿小镇的衰落一年胜过一年，这样的衰落使得耶拿大学自身感觉到了。当黑格尔1801年来到耶拿大学时，这样的衰落虽然已经出现但是还不十分明显。毫无疑问，费希特早已被逐出耶拿大学，而谢林接替了费希特的职位他和谢林在共同编辑一份很有潜力的重要杂志。然而、天有不测风云，正像18世纪后半期耶拿爆发一场大规模的知识分子运动，19世纪初出现大批天才人物迅速离开耶拿的场景。到1803年、再也没有哪位浪漫主义运动关键成员还住在耶拿。在1802年，康德哲学使其得到灵感的著名法学家保罗·约翰·安塞尔姆·冯·费尔巴哈移居基尔。当1803年哈勒大学向尤斯图斯·克里斯蒂安·洛德教授——一名医学系解剖学家兼外科医生，德高望重，因而以“大学名誉校长”闻名——开出总频高达1400泰勒惊人年薪的时候，他理所当然地接受了哈勒大学邀请尽管歌德请求他留在耶拿大学，并且雪上加霜的是，他带走他采集的价值连城的解剖学“标本”。在洛德1803年宣布离开后，克里斯蒂安·许茨几个星期后宣布他也投奔哈勒大学，使耶拿旧仇未报又添新恨的是，他竟然把《文学总汇报》编辑部也连窝端了过去。
Worse, Hegel’s friend Schelling was the subject of one of the great scandals of the period in Jena and, because of the scandal, felt he had to abandon Jena and take a position elsewhere. In 1798, Schelling made the acquaintance of Caroline Schlegel, August Schlegel’s wife. He was twenty-three, she was thirty-five and had a history of falling for men who were younger than she. It is more than apparent that Caroline Schlegel possessed an independence of mind and spirit that attracted many of the men around her but simply frightened most of the others; for example, although Goethe liked her, Schiller referred to her as “Dame Lucifer.” Schelling was a frequent guest at the Schlegel’s house; as things happen in these situations, it was not long after that Caroline Schlegel and Schelling began a genuine affair of the heart. With this state of affairs obvious to absolutely everyone, Caroline, August Schlegel, and Schelling all met in Berlin in 1802 and amiably worked out an agreement about what was an obviously touchy situation; with Goethe’s intervention, Caroline managed to get a divorce (with August Schlegel’s full cooperation), and she and Schelling were married in 1803.
更加糟糕的是，黑格尔的朋友谢林成了耶拿大学这个阶段重大丑闻中一件丑闻的主角。由于这件丑闻谢林感觉到他本人不得不离开耶拿大学而到其他地方供职。在1798年，谢林结识了卡罗利内·施莱格尔，后者是奥古斯特·施莱格尔的妻子。谢林时年23岁，卡罗利内·施莱格尔35岁——有过对比她年轻的多名男子倾心的历史。更引人注目的是，卡罗利内·施莱格尔因有主见和心无嘴绊而引起很多围绕她转的男子大加赞赏但简直是令绝大多数其他男子望而生畏；举例来说，虽然歌德喜欢她，但席勒却认为她是“撒旦夫人”。谢林是施莱格尔家常客；像有些事情在这种情况下发生的，过不多久卡罗利内·施莱格尔和谢林开始真正的心灵碰撞。由于事态绝对在每个人看来都是明摆着的，卡罗利内、奥古斯特·施莱格尔和谢林三人在1802年全都于柏林见面，就这种明显地敏感的局面温和地达成了一项协议；由于歌德从中斡旋，卡罗利内（在奥古斯特·施莱格尔的全面配合下）想方设法离了婚、她和谢林1803年结为伉俪。
That in itself would have been enough to cause a minor scandal. However, before their affair had begun, Caroline had sought to have her daughter from her first marriage, Auguste Bohmer, engaged to Schelling. In 1800, the daughter became ill, and, according to the rumors that circulated all around Jena, Schelling’s and Caroline’s attempts to cure her using the techniques of the “philosophy of nature” that Schelling was propounding had directly caused the fifteen-year-old Auguste’s death. Another rumor, circulated mostly by the wife of the theologian Heinrich Eberhard Gottlob Paulus, and Friedrich Schlegel himself, was that Caroline had deliberately killed her daughter in order to have Schelling for herself. (Caroline and Dorothea Schlegel seemed to have felt a particular animosity toward each other.) The insinuations against Schelling and Caroline even made the pages of the Allgemeine Ltteratur Zeitung, prompting Schelling to file a lawsuit against the editor, Christian Schiitz. August Schlegel took Schelling’s side in this matter, supporting his lawsuit against Schiitz and defending him and Caroline against the rumors of murder.
这件事本身也许足以成了一件不小的丑闻。然而，早在他们的恋情开始之前，卡罗利内就已试图让她第一次婚姻生下的女儿奥古斯特·伯默尔与谢林订婚。1800年，女儿伯默尔生病了，根据道布全耶拿的谣传，谢林和卡罗利内尝试使用谢林所提出的“自然哲学”方法治愈她的病，这样的尝试直接造成了15岁奥古斯特命丧黄泉。分一个谣传，主要由神学家海因里希·埃贝哈德·戈特洛布·保卢斯的妻子和弗里德里希·施莱格尔本人散布的谣传，意思是卡罗利内故意杀害亲生女儿以便独霸谢林。（卡罗利内与多罗特娅·施莱格尔看似觉得彼此有着非同寻常的仇恨。针对谢林和卡罗利内含沙射影的报道甚至成了《文学总汇报》头条新闻，这件事促使谢林对克里斯蒂安·许茨编辑提起诉讼。奥古斯特·施莱格尔在这件事上站在谢林一边，支持他对许茨提起诉讼并为他和卡罗利内谋杀诫传作辩护。
Hegel, who never had an easy time with independent women, also had a particular dislike for Caroline, and this put a great strain on Hegel’s relations with his old friend. Hegel valiantly tried to keep up the relationship with Schelling; after learning from Schelling that he and Caroline had been officially married (in a ceremony in Wiirttemberg presided over by Schelling’s father), Hegel wrote to congratulate him, joking that “I should at least send a sonnet marking the occasion, but you are in any case already used to making do with my prose, which does not permit one to be any more expansive in such matters other than a handshake and an embrace are.””*’ But the tensions were not to be papered over so easily; Hegel quite simply disapproved of Schelling’s wife. Although relations between Hegel and Caroline were officially polite and cordial, Caroline sensed Hegel’s dislike and reciprocated in kind. She derisively remarked in one of her letters to a friend on February i8, 1803 about how in Jena society Hegel “plays the Gallant and the general Cicisbeo” (the latter term coming from the Italian, originally meaning a cavalier who accompanies married women but by 1800 a term of derision and mockery)."’
黑格尔，从未有时间跟水性杨花而心无嘴绊的女子相处过的黑格尔，同样也特别地讨厌卡罗利内，这就使黑格尔和他老友的关系变得相当紧张。黑格尔极力设法维护与谢林的关系；在从谢林处得知谢林和卡罗利内已正式成婚（谢林父亲在符腾堡为谢林和卡罗利内主持婚礼）之后，黑格尔在致谢林信中表示祝贺，开玩笑地说道“我起码应该在这隆重场合献上一首十四行诗，而你好歹已经习惯于忍受我的散文，这就除了握手和拥抱以外不容许人们在这些事上花钱。”但是两人的紧张关系肯定不是那么容易掩饰的；黑格尔简直讨厌透了谢林的妻子。虽然黑格尔与卡罗利内之间的关系表面上彬彬有礼和热烈诚挚，卡罗利内却感觉到了黑格尔的厌恶并友好相待。她在1803年2月18日致朋友一封信中嘲笑般地谈论道，在耶拿社交界黑格尔怎样“向女子献殷勤和扮演普通情夫”（这后一个词语源自意大利语，最初意为一个陪伴已婚女士的骑士但到1800年却成了嘲笑和挖苦的代名词）。黑格尔对卡罗利内的这种消极态度同样也出现在黑格尔在她死后致伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔妻子信中的某些评论里。他写道很多人“作出了这样的假设即魔王迷住了她”（这里暗示他与他们都同样瞧不起她并对她提出他自己的相当明确的看法、在这同一封信中黑格尔还谈到尼特哈默尔的妻子，认为上帝应该“比花在卡罗利内身上多十倍的时间来保护尼特哈默尔的妻子，因为尼特哈默尔的妻子身上有适合于她的优点”。“黑格尔几乎没有在这件事上“向女子献殷勤”。
After Schelling’s departure from Jena and the cooling down of their friendship, Hegel’s feelings about Caroline became more open. In a letter to Immanuel Niethammer’s wife in 1807, Hegel remarked that the wife of a new friend of his was also a friend of Caroline Schelling, and he added a bit scornfully, “her friendship with Mrs. Schelling might perhaps - depending on one's judgment of the latter - add some timidity to one’s curiosity to get to know her.’’"® Hegel’s negative attitude toward Caroline Schelling also surfaced in some remarks he made after her death in a letter to Immanuel Niethammer. He said that many “have enunciated the hypothesis that the Devil had fetched her’’ (hinting that he shared their low opinion of her) and made his own views about her fairly explicit, saying of Niethammer’s wife that God should “preserve her as befits her merit ten times longer than’’ Caroline Schelling.""^ Hegel was hardly playing the “gallant” in that case.
在谢林离开耶拿和谢林与卡罗利内的感情逐渐疏远后，黑格尔对卡罗利内的感情则变得越来越张扬。在1807年致伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔妻子信中，黑格尔说道，他新朋友的妻子同样也是卡罗利内，谢林的朋友，黑格尔带点轻蔑口吻补充说道，“她与谢林夫人的友谊很可能——依据他人对谢林夫人的评价——会使某个好奇者想打听她情况时顿生某种胆怯。”黑格尔对卡罗利内·谢林的这种消极态度同样也出现在黑格尔在她死后致伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔信中的某些评论里。他写道很多人“作出了这样的假设即魔王迷住了她”（这里暗示他与他们都同样瞧不起她并对她提出他自己的相当明确的看法，在这同一封信中黑格尔还谈到尼特哈默尔的妻子，认为上帝应该“比花在卡罗利内身上多十倍的时间来保护尼特哈默尔的妻子，因为尼特哈默尔的妻子身上有适合于她的优点”）。黑格尔几乎没有在这件事上“向女子献殷勤”。
In 1803, another option opened up for Schelling himself. Yet another coalition against the French had met the same fate as the earlier coalitions, and in the aftermath of its defeat, the map of the Holy Roman Empire had been redrawn in 1803 more or less according to French design; the result was that Wurzburg had come under Bavarian control - the Bavarians were allied with the French - and the enlightened, modernizing Bavarian administration had founded a new “nonclerical, modern” university in Wurzburg, which immediately began to draw the Jena luminaries to itself. The scandal and the rumors of murder left Schelling in 1803 with no real choice after his marriage to Caroline except to accept the offer from the newly organized university at Wiirzburg and forsake Jena. Nor was Schelling the only one who felt the need to get out. In addition to Schelling, the prominent theologian Paulus, the philosopher-theologian Immanuel Niethammer, and the well respected (Kantian) jurist Gottlieb Hufeland all left for Wurzburg. In 1806, the jurist Thibaut left for Heidelberg. Hegel, no luminary at the time, was not invited. Schelling’s departure ended Hegel’s employment at the Critical Journal of Philosophy, since without Schelling to coedit the journal, it immediately folded. Hegel was left with no paying job, and both the city and the university at Jena were, so it seemed, in a state of rapid collapse.
在1803年，另一个选择摆在谢林本人面前。然而另一个反法同盟遭遇了和更早的同盟同样的命运，在它战败后的一个时期里，神圣罗马帝国地图在1803年或多或少已经根据法国人的方案重画；结果是维尔茨堡被巴伐利亚控制——巴伐利亚人与法国人结成联盟——并东开明的现代化的巴伐利亚当局在维尔茨堡创建了一所新的“无牧师的现代”大学，这所大学不次便逐渐吸引耶拿很多名人去它那里执教。1803年，丑闻和谋杀谣传使谢林在跟卡罗利内成婚后，别无其他选择只得接受来自新组建的维尔茨堡大学邀请而放弃耶拿大学。谢林也不是唯一一位感觉到需要离开耶拿大学的教授。除谢林之外，还有杰出神学家保卢斯、哲学家兼神学家伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔以及极受人尊重的（康德哲学信徒）法学家戈特利布·胡费兰同样也全都放弃耶拿大学而转投维尔茨堡大学。在1806年，法学家蒂鲍特离开耶拿大学而转投海德堡大学。黑格尔，当时还不是名人的黑格尔，没有受到其他大学邀请。谢林的离开终结了黑格尔《哲学评论杂志》工作，因为在没有了合编这份杂志的谢林情况下杂志很快就停刊了。黑格尔被迫撒下这份不拿报酬的工作，可以说，耶拿城和耶拿大学将会很快处于坍塌状态。
Worse personal news followed. Schelling, writing to Hegel in July 1803 about a meeting with Holderlin, remarked on how shocked he was at the complete breakdown of Holderlin’s mental capacities since he had last seen him, commenting that “the sight of him quite shook me; he neglects his appearance to the point of disgust; and though his speech does not greatly indicate a state of insanity, yet he has completely adopted the outer manner of those in such a state.” He then suggested that Holderlin return to Jena (apparently something Holderlin had expressed a wish to do) and that Hegel agree to take care of him, even though Schelling warned Hegel that to take care of Holderlin at that point he would have to “rebuild him from the ground up.”’^° Hegel was shaken by the news; but at that point, Hegel was barely capable of supporting himself, and he was thus reluctant to act on Schelling’s suggestion, although he clearly wanted to do so. No doubt recognizing Schelling’s description of Holderlin from the last time he had seen him in Frankfurt, Hegel told Schelling that Holderlin “is beyond the point where Jena can have a positive effect on a person,” adding “I hope that he still places a certain confidence in me as he used to do, and perhaps this will be capable of having some effect on him if he comes here.”‘^' Hegel was obviously more than a little anxious himself about Holderlin’s illness and wished to avoid the whole issue. Holderlin had been his close friend at the university and in Frankfurt; now it seemed he was slipping away, beyond his help.
更为糟糕的个人消息接踵而至。谢林，1803年7月致黑格尔信中提到与荷尔德林见面情况，谈论他自最后一次看到荷尔德林以来对荷尔德林精神能力完全崩溃感到多么震惊，写道“他的那种情形使我感到非常心烦意乱：他无视他令人厌恶的表现；尽管他的言语没有完全显出他处于精神混乱状态，他在这样一种状态下还是已经完全契合那些表现的外在方式。”谢林接着建议荷尔德林重返耶拿大学（这显然是荷尔德林所早已表达愿意做的事情）并建议黑格尔同意去照顾荷尔德林，尽管谢林提醒黑格尔为在这个关键时刻照顾荷尔德林他黑格尔必将“使他脱胎换骨”，“黑格尔被这个消息弄得心烦意乱；但在这个时刻，他几乎坚持不住了，他因此勉强照谢林吩咐去做，尽管他显然想要这样去做。无疑在了解到谢林根据他在法兰克福看到荷尔德林最新情况而描述荷尔德林的时候，黑格尔对谢林说荷尔德林“超过了耶拿对一个人产生积极影响的关键点”，并补充道“我希望他仍然对我抱有某种信心像他过去常常做的一样，或许这样做将能够对他产生一些影响如果说他会来这里的话。”“黑格尔明显对荷尔德林病情感到非常担忧并希望完全回避这个问题。荷尔德林是他大学时代和法兰克福时期的挚友；现在看来好像他在逐渐淡出人们的视线，黑格尔确实爱莫能助。
Hegel managed nonetheless to hang on in Jena, and he even acquired more students after Schelling’s departure. In 1804 he was named an “assessor” of the Mineralogical Society of Jena, and he even made some forays into the surrounding Harz mountains to gather specimens. He was also made a member of the Westphalian Society for Natural Research. But this was small consolation for an aspiring scholar who was facing both the collapse of the university around him and his own evershrinking prospects for finding some salaried position elsewhere. After hearing rumors that there might be some new salaried appointments in philosophy at the university, and that J. F. Fries (whom Hegel detested and who detested Hegel) might get one of them, Hegel plaintively wrote to Goethe in 1804 practically begging for one of them: “I am thus reminded that I am the oldest Privatdozent in philosophy of those currently here,” and “I fear being held back from working at the university according to my abilities should the high authorities grant such a distinction to others” (that is, to Fries).He did not, however, receive the appointment he wanted. He also wrote letters to just about anybody who might, just might, be able to put him forward for a salaried position. All these too were to no avail.
尽管如此，黑格尔仍然想方设法坚持在耶拿大学执教，他甚至在谢林离开后吸引了更多学生来耶拿大学。1804年他被任命为耶拿矿物学学会“鉴定员”，他甚至多次冒险进入附近哈茨山采集标本。他还被吸纳为韦斯特法利安自然研究学会成员。但是这些只是对一个有雄心壮志的学者小小的安慰，因为他既在面对他身边耶拿大学的坍塌，也在面对他自己因在其他地方寻找某些带薪职位而不断令人失望的前景。在听到耶拿大学哲学系可能有一些新的带薪任命的传言后，在听到J·F·弗里斯（黑格尔和弗里斯相互交恶）可能会获得其中一个带薪任命后，黑格尔在1804年伤心地致信歌德实际上是在恳求歌德为他弄到其中一个带薪任命：“我因而不禁想起我是到目前为止哲学无俸讲师中最年长的一位”，“我恐怕不会继续在耶拿大学工作，凭我的能力校领导不应该把我与其他教师（即与弗里斯）同等看待”。然而，他没有获得他想要的任命。他差不多还给任何也许能够或勉强也许能够推举他获得带薪职位的人写了信。所有的这些信件同样也都注定是徒劳无益的。
Among those who met him at Jena, Hegel seemed to inspire two kinds of reaction: he was either highly admired and even idolized, or he was disparaged. Reports from Hegel’s admirers describe him in only the fondest terms, but others did not have such high opinions of him. Whereas K. F. E. Frommann (the bookseller and one of Hegel’s good friends in Jena) remarked that Hegel was “praised and beloved” by those who heard his lectures in the winter of 1804-1805, Friedrich Schlegel in an 1804 letter from Paris to his brother August Schlegel remarked that “still more nauseating to me are the Hegelites (Hegeleien); only with great difficulty will I read something again from these people.Hegel in this period displayed the characteristics that for his whole life caused people to line up with him or dismiss him for his arrogance. He had a self-assurance that many found attractive and many others found off-putting; but he also manifested a genuine concern for his students, going out of his way to help them and taking great interest in helping one particularly sickly student. In another case, a young Catholic student from the Netherlands, Pieter GabriH van Ghert, became interested in Hegel’s philosophy but could not speak German well enough to understand the lectures; Hegel not only helped him with his German but also had him over to his apartment for slower conversations about the points being made. The result was that van Ghert became a life-long friend and devotee of Hegel’s philosophy, maintaining his allegiance to Hegel long after he had become an important person in the government of the Netherlands. Curiously, Hegel thought until 1817 that van Ghert was Protestant and was surprised to learn that his friend was in fact Catholic. Despite attracting followers, even disciples who took every utterance and every grimace as the sign of something profound (a practice that immensely rankled some of Hegel’s contemporaries), Hegel himself always seemed to take a slightly ironic, dis- tanced, sometimes even bemused attitude toward such disciple-like behavior, which the student-disciples, however, simply interpreted as more evidence of his “deep interiority.”'^*^
这些在耶拿与他见面的人们中，黑格尔看来好像心中产生两种反应：他要么受到他们的高度赞赏甚至被他们当作偶像崇拜，要么他受到他们的轻视诋毁。黑格尔的赞赏者仅仅以最为深情的用语来描述黑格尔，而其他人却没有对他作出这样高的评价。虽然K·F·E·弗罗曼（书商兼黑格尔耶拿时期好友之一）评论道黑格尔值得被那些听过黑格尔1804年至1805年冬季学期课程的学生“赞扬和热爱”，但弗里德里希·施莱格尔却在1804年从巴黎致胞兄奥古斯特·施莱格尔信中谈论道“在我看来更加令人作呕的仍然是黑格尔信徒（Hegeleien）；只是费了很大的劲我才可能从这些人那里解读出某种东西”，叫黑格尔在这个阶段表现出的特点是，就他整个人生来说，使人要么与他站在一起，要么因他的傲慢而使人摒弃他。他所具有的自信很多人发觉很吸引人也有人发觉令人不快；他同样也显露出对弟子的真关心，放下身段去帮助他们，怀着极大的兴趣去帮助一个特别体弱多病的弟子。在另一个例子中，一个来自尼德兰信奉天主教的青年学子彼得·加布里尔·梵·格尔特对黑格尔的哲学很感兴趣但他德语说得不够好以致听不懂黑格尔讲课内容；黑格尔不仅帮他补习德语而且还让他到自己寓所就课上讲到的要点慢慢交流。结果是梵·格尔特成了黑格尔的终生朋友和黑格尔哲学的爱好者，在格尔特成了尼德兰政府重要人物后的很长时间内一直保持对黑格尔的忠诚。令人奇怪的是，黑格尔直到1817年还认为梵·格尔特是新教徒，并在得知他的朋友其实是天主教徒时感到非常惊讶。尽管黑格尔吸引了很多追随者，尽管甚至很多门徒都把黑格尔每句话每个表情都看作标志着某种深刻的东西（这种做法引起黑格尔某些同时代人的极大怨恨），黑格尔本人却始终看来好像对这样的类似信徒行为抱着一种稍带讽刺的冷淡态度，有时甚至还抱着一种茫然不知所措的态度，不过这样的态度却更多地被学生信徒完全解释成是他“深深的内在本质”的证据。
Hegel had come to Jena full of enthusiasm and touched by a bit of anxiety. Always the sociable sort, he had quite rapidly made friends in Jena and had participated in the heady intellectual discussions that were the milieu of Jena at the time. He became especially good friends with Karl Ludwig Knebel (a retired Prussian officer and kind of free-floating dabbler in intellectual matters), Thomas Johann Seebeck (a scientist with a particular interest in Naturphilosophie and Goethe’s theory of colors), the bookseller Frommann and his family, at whose house he indulged his life-long passion for playing cards, and with Immanuel Niethammer and his wife. After Niethammer moved to Wurzburg, Hegel began a long correspondence with him, inquiring in almost every letter about possible jobs; by 1805, as Hegel’s situation was worsening, he was even borrowing money from Niethammer.
满怀热情来到耶拿大学和受到一些焦虑的触动来到耶拿大学。一如既往作为社交场上的常客，他很快在耶拿结交了很多朋友并参加了作为当时耶拿环境中令人兴奋的知识讨论。他与这些人成了特别要好的朋友，他们是卡尔·路德维希·克内贝尔（退休的普鲁士官员兼自由的知识问题杂家）、托马斯·约翰·泽贝克（对自然哲学和歌德色彩理论特别感兴趣的科学家）、书商弗罗曼及其家人（在弗罗曼家他充满持久的玩牌激情）和伊曼努尔·尼特哈默尔及其妻子。在尼特哈默尔移居维尔茨堡后，黑格尔开始了跟他长期书信往来，几乎每封信中都会问起可否有工作的机会；到1805年，其时黑格尔的处境变得非常糟糕，他甚至还从尼特哈默尔手里借了钱。
At first during his stay in Jena, Hegel ordered quite a bit of wine; his orders reveal tastes that clearly went beyond his limited income (tastes presumably acquired during his stay in Frankfurt as Hofineister to the wealthy wine merchant Gogel). There are records of several orders for Medoc and, quite striking for a poor academic, for Pontac. Pontac was the wine of the de Pontac family in Bordeaux, who were the first to make a wine recognized by the name of the ancestral chateau of the de Pontac family, Haut-Brion, then as now recognized as one of the premier wines of the world. The odds are, however, that Hegel’s orders for Pontac were for the more generic Pontac wines, which are now called St. Estephe, then as now still not a bad choice. Hegel was not, moreover, the first philosopher to be enchanted by the wines of HautBrion; John Locke had made a special trip there on May 14, 1677, to marvel at how such a wine was made.'^^ Hegel had more than a passing interest in wine, and his students often picked up that interest in imitation of the “master.” His tastes in wine also tended to exceed his budget.
起初在他暂住耶拿期间，黑格尔定购了很多葡萄酒；他的订单显示他的喜好显然超过了他有限的收入（这种喜好很可能是他暂住法兰克福期间做富裕酒商戈格尔家家庭教师时养成的）。现时可以查到黑格尔定购梅多克葡萄酒和蓬塔克葡萄酒的若干张订单，这对一个穷困潦倒的学者来说是相当引人注目的。蓬塔克葡萄酒是波尔多德蓬塔克家族的葡萄酒，蓬塔克家族最先把酿造的葡萄酒用蓬塔克家族祖传奥布里翁葡萄酒种植园命名，时至今日被认为是世界上头等葡萄酒中之一种。然而，非常可能的是，黑格尔的蓬塔克葡萄酒订单上显示的是较为普通的蓬塔克葡萄酒（现被称作埃斯泰费葡萄酒），时至今日仍然可以看作是不错的选择。再说，黑格尔不是首位被奥布里翁葡萄酒迷住的哲学家；约翰·洛克早在1677年5月14日就已特地到那里旅行，对这样一种葡萄酒的酿造方式感到惊奇。黑格尔对葡萄酒有着浓厚的兴趣，他的弟子常常因模仿“老师”而养成这个兴趣。他对葡萄酒品味的要求同样也逐渐为他的开支所无法承受。
But as time went on, Hegel’s circle of friends shrank as everybody picked up and left for other universities. Hegel came to be more and more isolated, and his wine orders shrank in both volume and quality. Faced with the collapse of everything around him, with inflation rapidly eating away at what little was left of his inheritance, and with the fact that he did not have a salaried position or any real prospect of one, Hegel seems to have gradually and quite understandably begun to sink into a kind of slow, mounting depression. He was coming to the end of his ambitions to be a philosopher or literary figure of any sort, and it was not clear what else was open to him. His father had almost certainly wanted him to pursue some other career (such as his brother had); but Hegel had followed his mother’s wishes and decided to be a man of learning; now it was beginning to look as if his father had been right and his own act of self-assertion had failed. The conflict in his own emotions was no doubt almost too much to bear.
但是随着时间的推移，黑格尔的朋友圈在不断缩小，因为很多人都打起行装离开耶拿去了其他大学。黑格尔开始感到越来越孤单，他的葡萄酒订单在数量和质量方面不断缩水。面对身边一切东西的坍塌，面对通货膨胀迅速地侵蚀他继承的所剩无几的遗产，面对事实上他没有带薪职位或任何真正有前景的职位，黑格尔看来好像逐渐开始陷入一种缓慢的不断增加的沮丧，这样一种情况是完全可以理解的。他终于放弃做哲学家或任何种类文人的雄心壮志，也不清楚其他领域是不是向他敞开大门。父亲几乎当然要他从事某些其他职业（例如弟弟从事的职业）；但是黑格尔遵从了母亲的意愿决定做个学者；现在逐渐看来好像父亲是对的，他自作主张的行为已然失败。他自己情绪的冲突无疑几乎是太剧烈了，以致他无法承受。
However, although Schelling’s departure in 1803 had meant the end of his work on the journal, it had also freed Hegel to develop his own thoughts. Thus, although he was rapidly running out of money, he was nonetheless no longer beholden to Schelling, no longer forced into the public role of the loyal Schellingian churning out essays for the journal intended to propagate Schellingian philosophy, however much his own published views had begun to diverge from Schelling’s. On his own, with his whole future, so it seemed, on the line, he had to establish himself by writing his own book and establishing his own presence in the philosophical and literary community. It would have been terribly easy for him to have given up at this point or to have simply gathered up the extensive manuscripts that he was producing during the period 1801-05 and quickly published them, in hopes that such a book would land him a salaried position at Jena or elsewhere. That he did not, that he held out until he had prepared what he thought was good enough to send out to the world as the Hegelian system, displays the ability for focused, hard work that had always characterized him and that continued to characterize him for the rest of his life. Hegel brought his family’s very old-fashioned but proud sense of personal integrity with him; he was simply not going to present to the public a work in which he himself could not believe. It also shows his supreme self-confidence that he was capable of such a project, a trait that people less friendly to Hegel were always to characterize instead (and not entirely wrongly) as his arrogance and obstinacy.
然而，虽然谢林早在1803年吐槽就已意味着他为杂志社工作的终结，这件事同样也让黑格尔放开手脚阐发他自己的思考。这样一来，虽然他迅速地用光了钱、他却多年媳妇熬成婆再也不看谢林的脸色做事，不复被迫扮演谢林哲学的忠诚的公众角色，这样的角色曾使他绞尽脑汁为刻意宣传谢林哲学的杂志撰写稿件，无论有多少他自己的发表的看法早已逐渐与谢林观点分道扬镳。可以说，按他自己的思路，展望他的整个未来，他必须借助写出他自己的著作和确立他自己在哲学界和文学界的在场从而使他自己立得住脚。他在这个关键时刻打退堂鼓或简单汇集他在1801至1805年这个阶段所创作的大量手稿并很快把它们拿去发表，以期这样一本著作将使他在耶拿或其他地方获得带薪职位、这也许是很容易做得到的。可是他却没有那样去做，他坚称直到他已经准备了在他看来足够好的东西以至于可以把他黑格尔哲学体系公诸于世的时候才会把这样的东西拿出去发表，这样的举动展示了他能够做到心无旁骛努力工作，这已经成了他的特点并继续成为他余生的特点。黑格尔身上体现出他家族非常老派的但使他感到自豪的个人正直感；他压根不打算把连他自己都不可能信赖的著作公之于众。他能够作出这样一种规划同样也表明他极其自信，他的这个特点反而始终被对黑格尔不那么友好的人们刻画成是他的傲慢自大和固执己见（这样的刻画并非完全错了）。
That he did this during a period of intense personal difficulty and deep depression was all the more remarkable.
更加引人注目的是，他在个人极端困难和深度沮丧阶段表现得极其自信。
