第9章 海德堡时期：成为焦点人物(2)
For Hegel and most of his generation, Jena’s dedication to Wissenschaft, to the construction of rigorous theory, to a more dynamic model of learning and thinking, and to a different, nondisciplinarian relation between professor and student was clearly the preferable model of university life. The older universities had only trained and drilled peo¬ ple into a certain type of orthodoxy by virtue of a certain type of rote learning, and consequently, the civil servants they produced had learned things almost solely by the book and without imagination; in turn, those graduates of the older university had become the model officials of the German Enlightenment’s version of the “machine state” (against which the author of the “The Oldest System Program of German Idealism” had inveighed). However, after the crushing and humbling defeat of the Prussian “machine state” by Napoleon at Jena in 1806, that ideal of learning and of the university itself had fallen from favor. Faced with the daunting task of coming to terms with the post-Napoleonic restruc¬ turing, the various reorganized governments of Germany began looking for some new way to train their civil servants so that they did not find themselves out of step with the times once again. The new, Jenainspired university seemed therefore to be the kind of thing that could supply the new kind of educated civil servant for which they were looking.
对于黑格尔和他那代人中的绝大多数人来说，耶拿大学致力于科学，致力于严格理论的建构，致力于一种更有活力的学习和思考模式，致力于教授与学生之间的与众不同的非惩戒性的关系，所有这些显然都是更可取的大学生活模式。旧式大学只是借特定类型的死记硬背的学习把人培养成特定类型的具有正统观念的人，从而那些由旧式大学培养出的国家公务员几乎只是通过书本学到知识而根本不具备想象力；依次地，这些旧式大学毕业生成了德意志启蒙运动视为的“机器国家”的模范官员（这样的官员遭到《德国唯心主义最早体系纲领》作者的痛斥）。不过，在1806年普鲁士“机器国家”被当时在耶拿的拿破仑决定性地和令人蒙羞地击溃后，学习的理想和大学自身的理想不再受到人们的青睐。面对如何完成后拿破仑一世时期艰巨的重建任务，德国各个经过重组的政府着手寻求一些新的方式培养国家公务员，所以它们没有发觉它们自己再一次被时代步伐甩在后面。这种新型的受耶拿大学启发的大学因此看来好像应该成为那种被它们在寻找的能够提供新型国家公务员的大学。
Consequently, the number of students attending universities in¬ creased rapidly (nearly doubling between 1800 and 1835), and in places like Heidelberg, grew at an even greater rate. The new ideal of Wissenschaft, moreover, put new demands on those students. They could no longer be the loutish brawlers famous from earlier times, protected by the traditional medieval corporate immunities; they had to become the serious, even “moral” students committed to Bildung and the life of the mind that Fichte had tried to establish at Jena.
因此，上大学的学生人数急剧增长（1800年至1835年间几乎翻了一番），在像海德堡这样的地方，大学生人数以更快的速度增加。再者，新科学理想对这些学生提出新的要求。他们可能不再是早先时代有名的粗野的打架斗殴者，不再享有中世纪传统社团豁免权；他们必须成为严肃认真的、甚至是成为“品行端正的”学生，承诺要有教养和过着那种由费希特尝试在耶拿确立的精神生活。
The Rise of the Philosophical Faculty
Likewise, the universities themselves and the professors within them had to change their ways. The central faculties of the traditional German university were law, medicine, theology, and philosophy. (The philosophical faculty included subjects such as history and the natural sciences.) One of the key features of the newly emerging university based on Wissenschaft and Bildung was the way in which the philosoph¬ ical faculty came to be central to the mission of the university as the place where all the other subjects taught at the university were to be unified and ordered. (Niethammer’s “General Normative” for schools in Bavaria, for example, had attempted to build this newly emerging centrality of the philosophical faculty into the curriculum of the Gym¬ nasium.) Both law and medicine - and, increasingly, theology itself - thus began to understand themselves as guided and ordered by the philosophical faculty and, as Fichte had argued at Jena and then later at Berlin, within that faculty itself, the philosophers per se were to be the leading lights.
哲学系的崛起
同样，一些大学自身和这些大学里的教授也不得不改变自己的发展方向。传统德国大学里的龙头系科是法学系、医学系、神学系和哲学系。（哲学系包含诸如历史学和自然科学这样的学科。）新问世的大学奠基于科学和教化，这样的大学的关键特色之一在于某种方式，借此方式哲学系最终成为完成作为特定场所的大学使命的中坚系科，在这个特定场所，所有在大学讲授的其他学科都必将得到统筹协调。（举例来说，尼特哈默尔关于巴伐利亚院校的“通用规范”就已尝试把这种新问世的以哲学系为中心的做法搬到高级中学课程中。因此，法学系和医学系这两个系科——还有神学系自己也越来越——着手把自己理解为受引领和听命于哲学系，像费希特早在耶拿和之后在柏林时就已力主的，有些哲学家本身注定是航标灯式的人物。）
That the philosophical faculties rose to this position had in part to do with the decline of theology as a central faculty in the university. Part of that decline was surely based on the decreasing number of jobs for trained theologians; but another and equally important part of it was the attempt by the modern faculties to free themselves from the chains of theological orthodoxy. Most of the disputes between the university and the ruling orders had traditionally been about theological matters and had usually had to do with some alleged violation or undermining of accepted orthodoxy. Kant himself, for example, had run into trouble for his writings on religious issues that challenged the governing ortho¬ doxy. The modern concern with freedom, however, which had been so intoxicatingly developed first by Kant himself and then by his idealist successors at Jena, gave the modernist reformers a firm motivation to cut the university free from its older theological bondage, and the philosophical faculty naturally emerged as the most likely candidate to supply the missing foundation for university studies that theology had partially supplied in the past. Indeed, it was in part in order to escape from such theological control of the university that the professoriate put the philosophers in charge, and even more strikingly, many of the leading theologians of the period also enthusiastically subscribed to this view. For example, the theologians Daub and Paulus were the key figures in bringing Hegel to Heidelberg (Paulus was also a good friend of Hegel’s), and Schleiermacher, the great theologian of the university at Berlin, openly lamented losing Hegel to Heidelberg, remarking in a letter in 1816 to a friend (a professor at Heidelberg), “It may be that our minister von Schuckmann is responsible for your having snatched Hegel away from under our noses. God knows what is to become of our university when it so sorely lacks philosophers.”^*^
哲学系地位的上升部分地与神学系作为大学核心系科的下降有关。下降的部分原因当然奠基于培养出的神学家就业不景气；但是下降的另一同样重要的部分原因在于现代学科试图摆脱神学正统观念的束缚。大学与统治秩序之间的绝大多数争端传统上都是神学的事情，并且通常与某些所谓的违反或削弱公认的正统观念有关。举例来说，康德本人就因他关于宗教问题的著作对占支配地位的正统观念构成挑战而招惹麻烦。然而，现代人对自由的关注，最先由康德自己接着由他在耶拿的唯心主义继承者发扬的令人兴奋的对自由的关注，使现代主义改革者坚定信心去让大学挣脱旧有的神学的束缚，而哲学系自然显出可能最有资格提供那过去部分地由神学提供的现已缺失的大学学业基础。实际上，部分地是为了摆脱这样的神学对大学的控制，教授委员会才委任哲学家执掌，更惹人注目的是，那时的许多一流神学家同样也热情地支持上述观点。举例来说，神学家道布和保卢斯是把黑格尔挖到海德堡的关键人物（保卢斯也是黑格尔的好友），施莱尔马赫这位柏林大学大神学家公开悲叹黑格尔投向了海德堡，他在1816年致友人（海德堡教授）信中说道：“我们的冯·舒克曼部长可能要对你从我们眼皮底下抢走黑格尔负责。天晓得在极其缺乏哲学家时我们的大学必将变成何种模样。”
The decline in the status of theology was accompanied, naturally enough, by a huge drop in enrollments during this period. But, inter¬ estingly enough, enrollments in philosophy, at least at Heidelberg, did not necessarily increase as a result of the decline in theology. The reformed civil services were, after all, to be staffed with the graduates of the new universities, most students viewed the university simply as a path to a promising career, and since cameralistics and law seemed to be the surer path to a career, most students took that path and enrolled in that faculty. What Schiller had dismissively characterized in his address in Jena as the Brotgelehrte (the students studying for their “bread,” that is, their careers, instead of for the joy of learning itself) had in fact become the main constituents of the new university. This put the students in direct conflict with the way that the professors understood themselves and the university at which they were working and gave a tremendous impetus for the philosophical faculty further to assert its supremacy in the curriculum and in the wider life of the country.
神学地位的下降自然而然地带来了这个阶段学生入学人数的锐减。然而，极为有趣的是，哲学系入学人数，至少海德堡大学哲学系入学人数，并没有因神学地位的下降而必然有所增加。毕竟，改革后的公务员必将由新型大学的毕业生担任，绝大部分大学生简单地把大学看作获得有前途的职业的途径，因为财政学和法学看来好像成为谋取职业的更稳妥的途径，所以绝大多数学生选择这条途径且进入这些系科。席勒在耶拿演讲中轻蔑地形容为的“Brotgelehrte”（为“面包”也即为职业而非为学习自身带来的乐趣而学习的学生）实际上已经成了新型大学的主要组成部分。这就使大学生与教授借以理解自身的方式和教授正在供职于的大学产生直接的冲突，这就使哲学系增添无穷动力进一步维护自己在大学课程中和广阔的国家生活中的优先地位。
Tensions in the New Universities
The particular tension between a faculty devoted to Wissenschaft and students devoted to their careers had a special edge to it at Heidelberg, which was populated with students studying for a career but who had already absorbed a certain Romantic view of the world. Many students had been drawn to Heidelberg because of the way in which the faculty and the Romantic writers associated with the university had developed a form of Romanticism in light of an emerging sense of German iden¬ tity. The bucolic setting of the town and its famous ruined castle on the hill (something that particularly caught the imagination of a generation becoming fascinated by the spectacle of ruins of all sorts) did nothing to diminish its appeal as a worthy Romantic successor to Jena. However, by the time Hegel arrived, the Romantics had themselves long since departed Heidelberg, and the more professorial, rationalist faculty soon found themselves at odds with students who were attempting to lead what was already by then the emerging myth of romantic student life at “old Heidelberg.”
新型大学中的紧张关系
致力于科学的系科与致力于职业的学生之间特殊的紧张关系在海德堡变得特别尖锐，这里充斥着为谋求职业学习的学生，但是他们已经吸收了一些浪漫派作家的世界观。很多学生由于一种方式而被吸引到海德堡，借助这种方式，大学系科和那与大学相联系的浪漫派作家依照现存的德国人认同感阐发浪漫主义形式。小镇田园牧歌般的环境和小镇附近山上著名的倾毁的城堡（某种特别引起沉迷于各种废墟景观的一代人幻想的东西）丝毫没有减少小镇作为可敬的耶拿浪漫主义继承者的吸引力。然而，至黑格尔抵达的时候，浪漫主义者老早就已经离开海德堡，而思想较为古板的奉行理性主义的教职员工很快发觉他们自己与那些学生意见分歧，因为这些学生在尝试为到那时已在“新海德堡”问世的浪漫主义学生生活神话的东西鸣锣开道。
But in making this break with the past and setting up the university on the model of Wissenschaft^ the reformers were also setting themselves on a course that was to lead to some unexpected collisions between themselves and the ruling powers. From then on, the main areas of dispute between the universities and the ruling powers were not so much theological as political - that is, they were concerned not so much with violations of theological orthodoxy as with breaches of political observance. This was only to be expected as states gradually assumed the financing of the universities and as the traditional medieval corpo¬ rate structure of self-rule and corporate immunity vanished in the wake of the revolutionary restructuring of German life.
但是，在与过去决裂和依据科学模式创办大学时，改革者自己同样也在逐渐使他们自己置身于一种过程，这种过程必将导致某些意想不到的在他们自己与统治势力之间的冲撞。从那时起，大学与统治势力之间争论的主要领域主要不是神学领域而是政治领域——也即争论的主要领域大体上不涉及违反神学正统观念而涉及违犯政治惯例问题。只不过必将指日可待的是，随着德国人实现生活上的全新重建，国家逐渐承担起大学财政事务，传统的中世纪的自治团体结构和团体豁免权就不复存在了。
Several other things conspired to make life particularly chaotic for the professors in the new university. Student enrollments were going up, and professorial status and pay were on the rise; but revenues were not increasing as rapidly, inflation was running high, and the reorgan¬ ized, rationalized governments were now completely footing the bill for universities in a time of fiscal chaos for themselves. Since the newly reorganized universities were more or less making up the rules as they went along, there were ongoing struggles for authority as to who was to decide which issues about university life. Roughly, those struggles broke down into conflicts between attempts by the professoriate to run the university and attempts by the government to run them. This was particularly evident in the matters of appointments. The government tended to think that since they were footing the bill, they had the right to appoint all the professors, and, not unsurprisingly, the faculty re¬ sisted that view. The government was also interested in teaching the large numbers of new students for as little money as possible, which made the government especially receptive to hiring “extraordinary” professors or Privatdozenten (“private academics”). The “ordinary” professors (such as Hegel) drew respectable salaries; the “extraordinary” professors, on the other hand, drew either very little salary (often only 300 Thalers or less, in contrast with Hegel’s 1,500 Thalers) or even none at all; and the Privatdozenten drew no salary at all. Both “extraor¬ dinary professors” and Privatdozenten therefore had to have money from independent sources (in other words, from their families) in order to support themselves; and they were encouraged to take these positions by the lure or merely the hope of one day securing “ordinary” profes¬ sorships for themselves. Since part of the “ordinary” professor’s income depended on student lecture fees (along with fees for reading doctoral work and for participating in doctoral examinations), the low-paid “ex¬ traordinary” professors and Privatdozenten came into direct competition with the “ordinary” professors for students and the money they brought with them. This of course gave the faculties powerful incentives to make the entrance requirements to the professoriate more stringent so that there would be less competition for student fees.^’
若干其他东西交织起来致使新型大学教授生活特别混乱。学生入学人数不断增长，教授地位和工资也在提升；可是，国家财政却没有相应地迅速增长，通货膨胀持续走高，而重组后的经过合理化改革的政府在自身财政一团糟时为大学负担了全部费用。既然新近重组后的大学或多或少制定了自己正常运行时的规章制度，就谁来决定大学生活事务而论继续存在着与当局的斗争。粗略地说，这些斗争导致尝试由教授委员会管理大学与尝试由政府管理大学之间的冲突。上述冲突在任命问题上表现得尤为突出。政府倾向于认为既然是政府买单，政府就有权利任命所有的教授，而且，并不令人惊奇的是，大学教职员工竭力反对这个观点。政府同样也对花尽可能少的钱来教育大量的新学生感兴趣，这就使得政府特别乐于雇佣“临时”教授或Privatdozenten（“私人学者”）。“专任”教授（例如黑格尔）要领取相当可观的薪水；从另一方面来说，“临时”教授要么领取很微薄的薪水（常常只有300泰勒或更少，这与黑格尔领取的1500泰勒薪水形成鲜明的对比），要么甚至根本不领分文薪水；私人学者根本没有薪水。“临时教授”和“私人学者”因此不得不从单独的来源（换句话说，从他们的家庭）拿钱养活他们自己；他们因“专任”教授职位的诱惑或仅仅是因希望有朝一日他们自己能够获得“专任”教授职位而被激励去谋取这些职位。因为“专任”教授部分收入依赖于学生选课费（连同评阅博士学位论文和参加博士学位答辩的费用），所以地位低下的“临时”教授和私人学者开始直接与“专任”教授竞争选课学生及其缴纳的选课费。这当然有力地促使系科设置更加严厉的教授任职门槛，因此教授对学生选课费的竞争程度就会相对弱些。
With regard to these kinds of disputes, Hegel on the whole displayed a certain (and in some ways, uncharacteristic) humility, claiming that since he had been out of the university for so long he felt he needed to defer to his colleagues’ more seasoned judgments. (He even remarked in a letter to Niethammer about how he was “only a beginning univer¬ sity professor.”)^*^ But he was also quite forceful when it came to issues of professorial authority and autonomy. He was at the same time always very open to the particular needs of the students; in cases in which worthy students lacking money were applying for their doctoral degrees, Hegel would consistently waive his fees for examining them even though it clearly meant a reduction in his own income.
对于上述这类争论，黑格尔大体上表现出一种特有的（从某些方面说向来少有的）谦卑，声称因为他长期以来不在大学工作，所以他觉得自己需要听从同事更加成熟的看法。（他甚至还在致尼特哈默尔信中说道他“只是个初出茅庐的大学教授”。）然而，他在涉及教授权威和自律问题时又很强势。他同时总是对学生的各种要求尽量予以满足；在优秀学生缺少申请博士学位费用的情况下，黑格尔常常会免去他们的答辩费用，纵使这样做显然意味着他自己减少了收入。
A typical struggle over authority between the government and the faculty in which Hegel was involved was the case of Joseph H. Hillebrand. Hillebrand had been a Catholic priest teaching at a Catholic seminary who had lost his teaching position after he converted to Prot¬ estantism. He then applied to be an “extraordinary” professor in Hei¬ delberg and found support in the Badenese interior ministry for this. The Badenese ministry made his permission to teach conditional on his getting the status of doctor from the philosophical faculty. (Why the Badenese ministry was interested in his case is not clear.) The faculty countered with the claim that Hillebrand could not be allowed to teach until he had submitted an appropriate Habilitation, the traditional work that bestows the right to teach. Some, like the dean of the faculty (Johann Heinrich Voss), however, thought that the matter was moot, since the government had appointed Hillebrand and that was that. Others were not so sanguine, Hegel among them. Hegel complained that the request that the faculty grant Hillebrand a doctorate was super¬ fluous if the government really was to take unto itself the authority to appoint people to academic positions without any consultation with the faculty, and he was therefore certainly not ready in this case (as he was in so many other cases) to waive his examination fees. Hegel’s friend, the classicist Creuzer, joined him and called for the universities to assert their “dignity” against governments. When Hillebrand nonetheless sub¬ mitted a written work to the faculty - he submitted something he had written while still teaching at the Catholic seminary - the faculty casti¬ gated it; among the charges made against him was that he “understood no Latin” and that his work was composed mostly of “windy phrases.”
约瑟夫·H.希勒布兰德事件是一场典型的黑格尔卷入其中的关于政府与学校之间的权力之争。希勒布兰德是一名在天主教神学院执教的天主教牧师，他在皈依新教后丧失了教学职位。他后来申请担任海德堡大学“临时”教授，并获得巴登内务部对这件事的支持。巴登内务部要他承诺执教的条件是他将获得哲学系博士身份。（目前无法弄清为什么巴登内务部对希勒布兰德执教这样感兴趣。）系里则反对巴登内务部的上述做法，主张希勒布兰德除非提交一份相应的大学执教资格证书（这是获得教学权利的传统做法），否则不可能被允许来哲学系执教。然而，有些教工，像系主任（约翰·海因里希·福斯）一样，认为这项要求是无实际意义的，原因在于政府已任命希勒布兰德为“临时”教授且这是铁板钉钉的事情。其他人却并不如此乐观，黑格尔就是其中一位。黑格尔抱怨道，如果政府真正动用权力任命人们学术职位而根本不与哲学系做磋商的话，那么要求哲学系授予希勒布兰德博士学位就是多此一举。黑格尔因此在这种情况下（像他在很多其他情况下）肯定不准备免收答辩费。黑格尔的友人古典主义者克罗伊策尔与黑格尔齐心合力，呼吁大学应该维护自己的“尊严”，反对政府那套做法。当希勒布兰德仍然向哲学系提交一份书面作品（他提交自己还在天主教神学院执教时就已写就的作品）的时候，哲学系把这个作品说得一钱不值；在对他作出不利的指责中包括他“不懂拉丁文”和他的作品绝大部分由“空洞无物的言辞”构成。
Although firmly on the side of upholding the rights of the faculty to oversee new appointments, Hegel was nonetheless concerned to see that Hillebrand was treated fairly and did not become a mere vehicle on which the faculty could vent its displeasure with the government’s interference in the university. On reading a book by Hillebrand on pedagogy (which implicitly criticized Niethammer’s own work), Hegel noted that although “it cannot be taken for a scientific work,” that was not “its goal,” and that it moreover displayed a good “acquaintance with many philosophical thoughts”^^ The faculty was not nearly as kind as Hegel and demanded a Latin dissertation and a Latin oration from Hillebrand before the doctorate could be conferred on him. Tempers continued to heat up over the matter, but after Hillebrand finally man¬ aged to satisfy most of the faculty that he had done the necessary work for the doctorate (after having already been appointed by the govern¬ ment as “extraordinary professor”), many felt quite relieved that matter was over and that they had preserved their rights to examine candidates.
尽管坚定地站在支持系里有权利监督新人事任命这一方，黑格尔却依然关注希勒布兰德是否得到相当公正的对待，黑格尔也没有纯粹变成系里可能发泄对政府干涉大学的不满情绪的工具。在审阅一本由希勒布兰德撰写的关于教育学的著作（该著作包含对尼特哈默尔自己的著作的批评）时，黑格尔强调指出：“它不能被当作一部有关科学的著作看待”，“它的目标”不是成为关于科学的著作，并强调指出它还展现出作者非常“了解诸多哲学思想”。哲学系几乎不像黑格尔这么仁慈，要求希勒布兰德在可能被授予博士学位前提交一篇拉丁文博士学位论文和做一次拉丁文演讲。一些人对这件事的愤怨继续发酵，但是，在希勒布兰德最终设法使系里大部分人满意，因为他完成了获得博士学位的必要工作后（在他已被政府任命为“临时教授”之后），很多人感到非常宽慰，因为事情结束了，因为他们保有了他们考察博士资格候选人的权利。黑格尔对这种安慰作出了辛辣的评论，指出他赞同“系里的权利得到了保留”的说法，因为，从这次具体的对抗来看，系里显然已经没有这样的权力。
Hegel sarcastically commented on these reassurances by noting that he agreed that “the rights of the faculty have been preserved, since from this particular confrontation it has become clear that the faculty has no such rights. There were many other such cases, although none that raised tempers quite as much as Hillebrand’s case. As the philosophical faculty began to emerge as the central faculty of the university, disputes between it and other faculties naturally arose. When a student (Franz Anton Regenauer) who had won a prize in cameralistics offered himself as a candidate for a doctorate from the philosophical faculty, the issue arose as to whether the faculty from the cameralistic section were to be allowed to be among the examiners for the degree in philosophy. (The degree could be conferred after an examination by the faculty; the examination consisted of answering some questions posed by the fac¬ ulty.) The philosophical faculty rejected the cameralistic faculty’s claims to be among the examiners, claiming that the philosophical faculty and they alone were competent to decide if the philosophical doctorate was to be conferred on Mr. Regenauer. Regenauer’s claim, however, that the cameralistic faculty should question him for the philosophical degree in fact rested on a government edict of 1812 that seemed to require exactly that. In the debate, Hegel tried to compromise between the factions by arguing that the 1812 edict only had to do with “disserta¬ tions” (and not examinations) that “were to have at the same time philosophical and cameralistic content” and thus that the philosophical faculty had in fact the right to examine Regenauer by themselves. (This put Hegel on the side of Johann Voss, the dean of the faculty, who himself had sided with the philosophers.) But when the faculty required a written work from Regenauer, Hegel also argued that their original timetable was unfair to Regenauer and should be extended. (Regenauer later dropped the matter, pleading that he did not have the necessary seventy-four florins for the required doctoral fees.)’**
还有很多其他类似的事件，尽管没有哪个事件像希勒布兰德事件一样引起某些人的愤怒。随着哲学系开始成为大学的核心系科，它与其他系科之间出现冲突在所难免。当一个获得财政学奖学金的学生（邓朗麦，安东·雷格瑙尔）参加哲学系博士学位候选人角逐的时候，出现了财政学系教师是否将被允许担任哲学学位考官的问题。（学位可在通过系里考试后授予；考试内容包括回答系里提出的一些问题。）哲学系拒绝财政学系教师也担任考官的要求，声称哲学系教师且单单他们才有资格决定哲学博士学位是否将被授予雷格瑙尔先生。不过，雷格瑙尔声称财政学系教师应该就哲学学位对他进行提问，这个主张实际上依据的是1812年政府法令，而且这项法令看来确实是作出了这样的要求。在这场争论中，黑格尔努力通过以下做法在各派之间做好调和工作：主张1812年政府法令仅仅与“同时具有哲学和财政学内容”的“学术演讲”（而非考试）有关，因此哲学系教师其实有权利单独组织对雷格瑙尔进行考试。（这就使黑格尔站到系主任约翰·福斯这一方，约翰·福斯自己同哲学家们站在一方。）然而，当哲学系教师要求雷格瑙尔提交一篇学术论文时，黑格尔同样认为他们原定的时间表对雷格瑙尔有失公平，因此原定时间表应该向后推迟。（雷格瑙尔后来不再提这件事情，辩称他不必再交纳博士学位答辩要求交纳的74弗罗林费用。）
Not everything turned on such weighty issues. When another student (a Mr. Franz Jakob Gobel) pleaded that he needed to put the examina¬ tion quickly behind him because he had been offered a position as a professor in the Netherlands (apparently as a professor of mathematics), the dean told the faculty that in his opinion, they should expedite things. But a quick examination by some of the professors discovered great gaps in Gobel’s knowledge of Greek and mechanics, and Hegel noted that to his surprise Gobel showed no understanding at all of the difference between integral and differential calculus or of the fine points of mechanics, which made Hegel all the more skeptical that any univer¬ sity would actually make such a person a professor of mathematics; if the faculty were to bestow a doctorate on Gobel, Hegel sarcastically noted, “the doctoral diploma would easily appear here as an instrument to compensate for his lack of knowledge.”’*^
还是有些事情没有变成这样沉重的问题。当另一个学生（弗朗麦，雅各布·格贝尔先生）请求他需要尽快参加博士学位答辩，因为他已被聘为荷兰大学教授（显然被聘为数学教授）的时候，哲学系主任向全系教授们通报了他的请求：按照他的意见，他们应该尽快处理他的博士学位答辩相关事宜。然而，一些教授对他进行快速考试后发现格贝尔在希腊文和力学知识方面非常欠缺，黑格尔也强调指出，令他惊讶的是，格贝尔显然根本不懂积分学与微分学的差异，或对力学的若干细节一无所知，这使黑格尔更加怀疑大学将会让这样一个人做数学教授。如果哲学系计划授予格贝尔博士学位，黑格尔辛辣地说道：“博士文凭在这里就会容易成为一种弥补他知识匮乏的工具。”然而，在哲学系教授最终同意格贝尔重写的学术论文质量上完全达到授予博士学位水平的时候，黑格尔同样也赞同他们对格贝尔这篇学术论文的考量。
But when the faculty finally agreed that Gobel’s rewritten work was of sufficient quality, Hegel went along with their judgment. When a Mr. James Bothwell applied for the doctorate but was turned down (for being in the eyes of one of the relevant faculty members “superficial, limited . . . and a shameless windbag”), he then applied for the right to conduct lectures and some¬ how managed to enlist the vice-rector of the university in his cause; Hegel was only too happy in that case to concur with his colleagues (who had since come to judge Mr. Bothwell even more harshly as a “liar and a braggart” about his credentials) and to deny Bothwell any consideration at all.^^
当雅梅斯·博特韦尔先生申请博士学位遭拒的时候（因为在系里一位相关的审核论文成员眼中，这篇博士学位论文是“肤浅的、眼界狭隘的……论文申请者是无耻的空谈者”），他接着申请进行试讲的权利并且千方百计赢得大学副校长在这件事上对他的支持；黑格尔在这件事上二话没说同意同事的做法（他们自那以后对被认为是像博特韦尔这类“吹牛撒谎的人”的博士学位证书审查工作变得更加严厉了），并且同意绝对不对博特韦尔再作考虑。
Underlying all of Hegel’s participation in the struggles over authority between the government and the university and over the newly emerg¬ ing standards of learning to be expected from students was a deeper view' of the role of the university and the role of the professor in the new university. As a professor in the newly reorganized university, Hegel understood himself as a man of Bildung and a professor devoted to Wissenschaft, something he shared with many other colleagues. More¬ over, in understanding himself in this way, he understood himself as playing a role and occupying a social position that cut across other more familiar and more traditional social divisions, such as class and estate. Indeed, the ideal of the modern university as the linchpin of modern life w'as not, in Hegel’s eyes, a matter of social class at all; it was a matter of being part of a more universalistic body of people who were not bound by the particularistic strictures of hometown life. Hegel was not in his own eyes offering up a “bourgeois” philosophy; as he would have understood himself, he was not attempting, for example, to replace the power of the aristocracy with that of the newly energized bourgeoi¬ sie. In fact, Hegel (and people like him) would not have thought of themselves as particularly “bourgeois” at all. They would instead have thought of themselves as men of Bildung, as not tied to any particular social class, since an aristocrat, a bourgeois, or even the son of a ribbon maker (such as Fichte) could become a man of Bildung. In fact, they would be at odds with many of the more obviously “bourgeois” values around them. That one of the great disputes in the university was that between the faculty (who were devoted to making the university a center of Wissenschaft) and the students (who tended to look on the university as a way to advance their careers) only illustrated the way in which people like Hegel would have thought of themselves as rejecting certain so-called bourgeois values without at the same time taking on any aristocratic affectations or necessarily identifying with aristocratic val¬ ues. The university was to be the place where the particularisms - whether regional or class-based - were to be overcome in the new, postNapoleonic modern collection of German states, and the men of Bildung were to be the universalistic “movers and doers” of that social order.
在黑格尔所有参与的关于政府与大学权力斗争和关于新面世的学生期待的学习标准斗争背后，是一种对大学角色和新型大学中教授角色的深度看法。作为一名新近重组的大学中的教授，黑格尔和他很多其他同事一样，把自己理解为有教养的人和献身科学的教授。不止于此，在以上述方式理解自己的过程中，他把自己理解为扮演某种角色和具有社会地位的人，这样的角色和社会地位跨越了其他更为人熟悉的更加传统的社会分工，例如，阶层和财产。实际上，在黑格尔眼中，现代大学的理想是大学自身要成为现代生活中的关键元素，这样的理想根本不是关乎社会阶层的问题；这样的理想是关乎某种更加具有普遍性的人的问题，而且他们不受家乡生活中特殊恩宠论结构的束缚。在黑格尔自己眼中，他不是在提出一套“中产阶级”哲学；像他大概对自己作出的理解那样，他没有尝试例如以新近精力充沛的中产阶级权力取代贵族阶层的权力。实际上，黑格尔（和像他一样的人们）大概根本没有特别把自己当作“中产阶级”看待。他们反而也许把自己看作有教养的人，而非看作受任何具体的社会阶层牵制的人，因为一名贵族、一个中产阶级甚或一个缎带生产商的儿子（例如费希特）都可能成为一个有教养的人。实际上，他们总是与自己周遭很多较为明显的“中产阶级”价值观念格格不入。大学里很多重大争议之一是教职员工（他们致力于把学校变成科学的中心）与学生（他们倾向于把大学当作使他们自己将来能找到好职业的途径看待）之间的争议，这样的争议仅仅说明，在某个方面，那些像黑格尔一样的人们大概认为他们自己拒绝所谓的特定的中产阶级价值观念，同时丝毫未表现出贵族阶层装腔作势或未必认同贵族阶层的价值观念。大学应该是这样的场所，在这里，各种特殊恩宠论——无论是地域的还是以阶层为基础的特殊恩宠论——都必将葬身于新的后拿破仑一世时期的现代德国各州，而有教养的人必将成为心怀普遍论的“立即行动起来实实在在重塑”社会秩序的人。
The structure of the modern world, which had been so hazy in 1806, now seemed to be coming into focus, to be gaining a sharper edge and determinacy before Hegel’s eyes. At this point in his life, nothing in his entire life experience seemed to be at odds with the philosophy he had begun in Frankfurt and Jena and worked out in Nuremberg; if anything, life around him seemed only to be confirming it. In light of his experi¬ ence, Hegel was becoming more and more convinced that his philoso¬ phy was in fact the account that the modern world had been implicitly seeking in order to understand for itself how its attempt to base itself in freedom was in fact a real possibility and not a historical illusion. Although Heidelberg was not the central attraction it had been a few years before, nonetheless Hegel had good reason to believe that his own life, his philosophy, and the modern world in general were now finally achieving a kind of clarity about themselves and beginning to assume their proper shape.
现代世界的结构，早在1816年就已经是如此模糊的现代世界的结构，现在看来好像逐渐显豁明朗，现在看来好像以更加清晰和确定的形式展现在黑格尔眼前。在他生命中的这个时刻，他的全部人生经历中看来好像没有什么东西是与他那始于法兰克福和耶拿时期、制定于纽伦堡时期的哲学不相一致的；如果说有区别的话，他周遭的生活看来好像在逐渐证实他的哲学独树一帜。根据他自己的经历，黑格尔变得越来越深信他自己的哲学实际上是一种为现代世界所暗中寻求的解释，现代世界这样做旨在自为地理解它使自己基于自由的尝试怎么实际上是确实可能的而非历史的幻想。尽管海德堡在几年前还不是德国最具吸引力的城市，黑格尔仍然有着充分的理由相信，他自己的生活、他自己的哲学和现代世界，一般说来，终将达到一种它们自身的澄明，开始呈现出它们相宜的形态。
Conviviality and Settling Down Middle Age
Hegel was reentering the university at a relatively late stage in his life. At thirty, he had decided to prepare himself for a university career, and at forty-six, he was only acquiring for the first time a university position that actually paid him an income on which he could live (and, moreover, live quite comfortably, even if he did complain about the high rate of inflation then prevalent in all of Germany). During his period in Hei¬ delberg, short as it was, Hegel had begun to slow down his pace of work, to enjoy his middle-aged family and professional life, and to learn to be comfortable in his own skin. His frequent excursions for boat trips and visits to local scenic spots with Marie alone, with the entire family, and in the company of other Heidelberg friends were part of this. He was particularly enamored of the natural beauty of the region while at the same time apparently completely unmoved by the famous ruins of the Heidelberg castle that inspired so many contemporary Romantics (he never even mentions the ruins); he enjoyed standing at his window in the house he had rented, staring out at the wafts of mist drifting down from the neighboring hills; indeed, the students at the time did not take him to be particularly industrious at all/^ (Like many of Hegel’s admirers in the nineteenth century, his first biographer, Karl Rosenkranz, romanticized some of Hegel’s habits. He took Hegel’s wistful observations out his window to be periods of “Socratic reflection,” periods when the great man was lost deep in thought; and he related a story that is almost surely apocryphal but which has gone down in Hegel legend, that one day as Hegel was taking a stroll, he became so lost in thought that when one of his shoes became stuck in the mud, he remained so deeply lodged in his reflections that he did not even notice his missing shoe and simply continued walking. Although the story fits the nineteenth century image of the “genius” fairly well, it is probably not true of Hegel, who was quite aware of his professional status, and who dressed in a fairly modern style. Rosenkranz himself notes that in his walks, Hegel was typically attired in his “gray trousers and gray jacket,” obviously wearing what by then was the very fashionable English-inspired - and more or less modern - suit.)"*^
安居乐业：步入中年
黑格尔在自己人生相对很晚的阶段才重返大学。早在而立之年，他就已决定着手为在大学供职做准备，在46岁时，他才仅仅第一次在大学供职，这确实提供给他一份赖以生存的收入（而且生活得有滋有味，纵使他确实抱怨过那时在整个德国普遍很高的通货膨胀率）。在海德堡这个阶段，尽管很短暂，黑格尔已经开始放慢自己的工作节奏，着手享受自己的中年家庭生活和教授生活的乐趣，开始学着去安然面对他自己的境遇。他单独与玛丽或与全家人或与海德堡其他朋友结伴频繁地乘船旅游和参观当地的名胜古迹，可以说所有这些都构成了他自己的生活不可或缺的一部分。他特别迷恋本地的自然美景，而与此同时则显然完全不为海德堡城堡的著名遗址所打动，尽管这些遗址激起很多同辈的浪漫主义者的灵感（他甚至从未提及这些遗迹）；他享受独自站在自己租住的房子窗前的乐趣，向外凝视从附近小山顶飘来的层层薄雾；实际上，那时的学生认为他根本就不是个特别勤奋的老师。（像黑格尔的19世纪众多仰慕者一样，他的首位传记作者卡尔·罗森克兰茨使黑格尔某些生活习惯浪漫化了。他把黑格尔向窗外沉思式的观察看作“苏格拉底式反思”的时刻，看作巨人陷于深思的时刻；他讲述了一个几乎肯定是杜撰而已被列入黑格尔传奇的故事：有一天，黑格尔在散步时如此陷入沉思，以致当他一只鞋陷在烂泥中时，他仍旧如此深陷思考中，甚至没有注意到失去了鞋子，只是继续往前走。这个故事与19世纪“天才人物”的形象非常契合，但这可能不是黑格尔的真实情况，他非常在意自己的教授身份，穿着风格相当现代。罗森克兰茨自己指出，在散步时，黑格尔通常穿着“灰裤子和灰夹克”，明显穿着的是那时非常时尚的英伦风格的——或多或少现代的一套西装。）
That Hegel was coming to be at ease for himself was not, however, as evident in his lectures. The anxieties that drove his speech impedi¬ ment and that had proved so unfortunate in his lectures in Jena - where he was obviously less sure of himself and more nervous about the impact he was making - did not go away. His stuttering, and his gasping for words, nonetheless do make a bit less of a documentary appearance in Heidelberg. In both Jena and Heidelberg, people commented on Hegel’s tormented lecture style, and the few comments in Heidelberg speak of a lecturer still unsure of himself before official bodies of people. In Heidelberg, Hegel remained rather wooden in his delivery, completely beholden to his lecture notes, possessed (as one hearer put it) of an “as it were tubercular” delivery, with the tendency to begin “every third part of a sentence or every third sentence with ‘thus’ ” (which did not stop some other students, as always less in awe of their professors than the professors might have preferred, to note how many times “thus” appeared in a Hegel lecture and compare notes afterwards).^'’ The ac¬ counts of Hegel as a Gymnasium teacher in Nuremberg make him out to be a relatively engaging and lively teacher; and while the accounts of his lecturing in Heidelberg were on the whole not quite so negative as they had been in Jena, it seems fair to conclude that Hegel’s tranquil. satisfied life at Heidelberg, while lowering the level of his anxiety, did not eradicate it.
可是，黑格尔自己过得悠闲自得，这在他讲课时却看不出来。讲课口吃给他带来的焦虑，以及在耶拿（他明显底气不足，并对自己讲课口吃产生的影响更加提心吊胆）讲课证明是差强人意的，从而促使他产生的焦虑，始终盘踞在他的心中。他的口吃，他说话时的喘息，确实仍然在海德堡留下了些许记录。在耶拿和海德堡，人们常常对黑格尔的折戟沉沙的讲演风格进行评论，而海德堡鲜有评论述及黑格尔作为讲演者面对官方机构人员依然显得底气不足。在海德堡，黑格尔在讲演中仍旧相当死板，依旧完全依赖讲课说明，具有（像某个听众描述的）一种“好像结核病人的”讲演特征，喜欢“以‘因此’开始每句话的第三部分或每第三句话”（这并不妨碍其他一些学生，通常在乎教授更有爱的东西而不在乎对教授敬畏的学生，会记下“因此”在黑格尔一堂课中出现多少次并与以后课堂笔记作比较）。在黑格尔担任纽伦堡高级中学教师期间，有关描述证明他是个相当吸引人的、充满活力的教师；虽然学生们对他在海德堡时期授课的描述总体上不像他们对他在耶拿时期授课的描述那样充满负面性，但看来好像可以公正地断定，黑格尔海德堡时期安静的、令他满意的生活尽管降低了他的焦虑程度，但没有从根本上消除他的焦虑。
As with many people reaching middle age, Hegel was now able to reflect more on his own youth and on the changes that had overtaken him. In offering advice to Niethammer about Niethammer’s son, Julius (who was then studying at Heidelberg), Hegel autobiographically noted, “I can imagine you are dissatisfied with the state in which you found him after a year and half at the university. My father was likewise said to have been incapable of being satisfied with me at that age.” It is one of the few places where Hegel mentions his father; but it is clear that at the age of forty-seven, he had come to see his father’s point of view in a way that he clearly could not have done earlier in life. In speaking to Niethammer about Julius, he further reminded him that although par¬ ents must maintain certain expectations for their children, it is necessary that young people experiment with different things in order to “learn by experience of its futility” - something with which he could at that point in his life identify - and noted that much in life both depends on luck. “We know what pains we had to take, and with what ultimate consequences. You and I would like to give something else to our sons besides, they themselves are doing something quite different with them¬ selves.”'^’
正如很多步入中年的人们的情况一样，黑格尔现在能够对他自己的青年时期和对他自己经历的变化作出更多的反思。在就尼特哈默尔儿子尤利乌斯（他那时在海德堡求学）成长问题向尼特哈默尔提出建议时，黑格尔自传式地说道：“我能够想象到您对所发觉的贵公子在大二下半期的状态感到不甚满意。据说我的父亲同样也无法对处在那个阶段的我感到满意。”这是黑格尔一生为数不多地提到父亲的地方之一；但是显然在47岁时，他已经以某种方式明白了父亲的观点，这在他早年显然是不可能做到的。在和尼特哈默尔说到尤利乌斯时，他进一步提醒尼特哈默尔，尽管父母亲必须对子女保有某种期望，青年人却必须用不同的东西做试验，以便“从对徒劳的试验式体验中长见识”——他可能在人生那个时期认同的东西——并强调指出人生许多东西是要依靠运气的。“我们晓得我们必须做出何种努力和必须面对何种最终结果。您和我都想给予自己的儿子某种其他的东西——除此之外，他们自己在做与他们自己身份很不相同的事情。”
Hegel clearly thought he had reached a watershed; his youth in the old regime of Wiirttemberg was now something belonging to distant history; the youthful enthusiasm for the Revolution, the critical decision to become a professor in the new university that was only dreamed about in Jena, the tumult of the Napoleonic period, all were now historical relics; the new world, of which Hegel was now determined to be the theorist, was developing on all sides and, in 1817, seemingly in the right direction. The Revolution was now his past; the post¬ revolutionary modern life was the world in which he was living and was the only real world people like Julius Niethammer or his own children would ever know. Now he felt that he, like the world around him, could really settle down.
黑格尔显然认为他已经到达人生十字路口；他在符腾堡旧政权治下的青年时期现在已成为遥远的历史；青年时期对法国大革命怀有的满腔热情，在耶拿时期只是梦想成为新型大学教授的关键要素，拿破仑一世时期的骚乱，所有这些现在都成了历史的遗物；新的世界，黑格尔现在决意为之充当理论家的新的世界，正在得到全面发展并在1817年看来好像沿着正确方向发展。法国大革命眼下已经被他甩在身后；后革命时期现代生活是他正置身于其中的世界，是像尤利乌斯·尼特哈默尔或他自己的子女一样的人们大概所曾知道的唯一真实的世界。现在他觉得他自己，像周遭的世界一样，可以真正安顿下来了。
Social Life and Friendships
Hegel’s social life in Heidelberg seems to have been mostly restricted to professors (unlike his life prior to Heidelberg and later in Berlin). In part this was due of course to the nature of a small town, but in part it was due to his hnding among his fellow professors kindred spirits. Socializing in general in Heidelberg was infrequent - at least according to Hegel’s own account - although (again according to his own account) it was nonetheless quite cordial.^’* Two of his closest acquaintances were theologians: Karl Daub, who had been instrumental in recruiting him to Heidelberg and who then converted to Hegelian philosophy; and Friedrich Heinrich Christian Schwarz, a professor of both pedagogy and theology. Hegel’s other close acquaintance at Heidelberg was some¬ one he had known (but not well) in Jena and Nuremberg: the jurist Anton Friedrich Justus Thibaut, one of the outstanding legal thinkers of the period, whose juristical ideas Hegel in large measure shared. Hegel was to participate in the many musical evenings that Thibaut staged at his house. Besides being one of the leading legal thinkers of his day, Thibaut was also a musicologist of no small repute and had a tremendous interest in what counted as “old” music at the time. It was probably at this time and partly under Thibaut’s influence that Hegel began working out his ideas on music as part of his aesthetics; indeed, Hegel was intensely interested in those evenings at Thibaut’s and often volunteered his own house for such gatherings. (Thibaut’s musical evenings were the beginnings of the foundation of the “choral societies” that were to become the nineteenth-century replacement for the “read¬ ing societies” of the eighteenth century to which Hegel’s parents be¬ longed.)
社交生活和友情
黑格尔在海德堡时期的社交生活看来好像主要局限于教授交往（不像他之前的纽伦堡时期和之后的柏林时期社交生活）。之所以出现这样的情况，当然部分地应归于小城镇的性质，而部分地应归于他发觉与教授同事志趣相投。海德堡时期的社交活动总体上并不频繁——至少根据黑格尔自己的描述并不频繁——尽管（再度根据他自己的描述）他在这个时期的社交活动中是非常热情真诚的。他的两位知音都是神学家：一位是卡尔·道布，他对于黑格尔受聘海德堡大学教授功不可没，后来成了黑格尔哲学信徒；另一位是弗里德里希·海因里希·克里斯蒂安·施瓦茨，他既是个教育学教授又是个神学教授。黑格尔在海德堡时期的其他亲近的熟人是某个早在耶拿和纽伦堡时期他就已认识的（但不很熟的）人：法学家安东·弗里德里希·约斯特斯·蒂鲍特，那个时期最为杰出的法学思想家之一，他的法学思想在很大程度上为黑格尔所分享。黑格尔肯定多次参加蒂鲍特在家中举办的音乐晚会。除了是一流法学家之外，蒂鲍特还是一位颇有名声的音乐学家，并对当时被算作“旧式”音乐的音乐怀有极大的兴趣。很可能是在那时，部分地在蒂鲍特的影响下，黑格尔着手把他自己音乐方面的思想发展为他自己美学的一部分；实际上，黑格尔对那些在蒂鲍特家中举办的晚会有着浓厚的兴趣，并常常自愿在他自己屋里举行这样的聚会。（蒂鲍特的音乐晚会是“合唱会”创建的开端，“合唱会”必将在19世纪取代黑格尔的父母所属于的18世纪的“朗诵会”。）
Hegel also became well acquainted with Georg Friedrich Creuzer, the classical philologist and founder of the scientific study of mythology; Creuzer’s work clearly influenced Hegel’s thoughts on theology. Creuzer, one of the more respected classicists of the period, himself openly praised Hegel’s understanding of the Greeks and his philological talents, and was equally open in his admiration for Hegel’s immense learning.^'' (Creuzer himself had some notoriety; he had had a passionate affair with the young Romantic poet Karoline von Giinderode, but had broken it off and returned to his wife after being nursed by his wife through a crucial illness; Karoline von Giinderode then committed suicide in 1806. The whole affair was later brought to public attention in Bettina von Arnim’s 1840 memorial tribute to her friend. Die Gunderode\ but at the time of Hegel’s stay in Heidelberg, Creuzer’s past was no doubt only an element of gossip among the locals.) Hegel and his wife took many of their excursions and boat trips in the company of these people and their families.
黑格尔还与格奥尔格·弗里德里希·克罗伊策尔结为至交，后者是位古典语文学家和科学的神话研究奠基者；克罗伊策尔的著作显然对黑格尔神学思想产生很大影响。克罗伊策尔本人，作为那个时期很受尊崇的古典主义学者之一，公开赞扬黑格尔对古希腊人的解读和黑格尔的哲学天赋，同时公开对黑格尔学富五车表示钦佩。（克罗伊策尔自己有些声名狼藉；他与年轻美貌的浪漫派诗人卡罗琳·冯·贡德罗德有过一段风流韵事，但是在重病中始终得到妻子悉心照料后中断了这场恋爱并回到妻子身边；卡罗琳·冯·贡德罗德随后在1806年自杀身亡。整个事件后来因贝蒂娜·冯·阿尼姆1840年为缅怀友人而写就的《贡德罗德》这部作品才引起公众的注意；但是，在黑格尔待在海德堡时，克罗伊策尔的过去无疑只是当地人闲聊的话题而已。）黑格尔和妻子在这些人和他们家人的陪伴下进行过很多次远足和乘船旅行。
