The result was a reminder that for all the apparent political energy on the left, hardcore liberals don't necessarily have the numbers to win Democratic primaries.
这一结果提醒我们，尽管左派表现出了明显的政治活力，硬核的自由派也不一定就能争取到足够的票数，在民主党的初选中获胜。
(See also: Bernie Sanders, who did not win the 2016 presidential nomination against Hillary Clinton. )
(参考2016年在总统候选人提名环节没能击败希拉里·克林顿的伯尼·桑德斯。)
In November, Cordray will face Republican state attorney general Mike DeWine, who also easily fended off a primary challenger.
今年11月，科德雷就要和同样轻松击退了核心对手的州检察长，共和党阵营的迈克·德万正面交锋了。
It will be a rematch of sorts: DeWine defeated Cordray for his current position in 2010.
这次交锋多少有些复赛的意味：德万曾在2010年的选举中击败了科德雷。
There was no obviously radioactive candidate in the Indiana Senate primary, where Republicans chose Mike Braun, the CEO of an auto-parts distributor, over two sitting members of Congress.
印第安纳州参议院初选暂时还没有出现争议较大的候选人，该州共和党撇开两名现任国会议员，转而选了某汽车零部件分销商的CEO迈克·布劳恩。
Braun spent millions on ads depicting himself as a political outsider, though he previously served in the state legislature.
布劳恩投了数百万美元做广告，把自己宣传成一个政治局外人，尽管他之前明明曾在州议会任职。
His opponents scurried to position themselves as the most loyal to Trump: one candidate, Todd Rokita, campaigned with a cardboard cutout of the President, while another, Luke Messer, wanted to nominate Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize.
他的对手们赶紧把自己标榜成最忠诚于特朗普的人：候选人托德·罗基塔竞选时带了用纸板做的特朗普像，另一位候选人卢克·梅塞尔还想提名特朗普为诺贝尔和平奖候选人。
In this and other Republican primaries, the candidates have clearly concluded that Trump boosterism is their base voters' overriding priority, more than any particular credential or policy stance.
在该州以及其他州的共和党初选中，这些候选人显然都得出了这样的结论：热心拥护特朗普是他们的基层选民的首要任务中的首要任务，是比任何特定凭据或政策立场都重要的东西。
But members of the Republican Congress, which many Trump backers blame for stalling the President's agenda, are a tough sell even to their own party these days.
然而，现在，即使是共和党自己都很难说服这届被共和党把持的国会的那些议员，因为许多特朗普的支持者都把拖延总统议程一事怪罪到了国会身上。
In Braun, Washington Republicans hope they will have a nominee who can contrast favorably with the Democratic incumbent, Joe Donnelly, by running against the mess in Washington.
华盛顿的共和党人希望，布劳恩将会是一位能同华盛顿的混乱作斗争，继而和民主党现任议员乔·唐纳利形成鲜明对比的候选人。
IT IS A TESTAMENT to the distinctiveness of the President's personality that Trumpy or Trumpian has become shorthand for every exaggerated or outlandish political gesture, from not-so-veiled racism (Blankenship) to affection for dictators (Kucinich has met repeatedly with the brutal Syrian ruler Bashar Assad) to questionably gained riches (Braun's company is accused of labor violations).
这也是对总统的独特个性的一个证明——“特朗普式”或“特朗普那种”两个词已经成为，从毫不掩饰的种族主义(布兰肯希普)到喜爱独裁者(库钦奇曾多次会见残暴的叙利亚统治者巴沙尔·阿萨德)再到来路可疑的财富(布劳恩的公司被指控违反劳工法)等所有夸张或古怪的政治姿态的缩写。
Voters of both parties remain annoyed with the corruption and disarray that they perceive in Washington, and both parties are in the throes of identity crises.
两党的选民依然对华盛顿的腐败和混乱颇为不满，而两党也都还陷在身份危机的阵痛之中。
But that doesn't mean they're just going to go for, as one Republican Congressman put it, "the craziest son of a bitch in the race."
但这并不意味着他们就会像某共和党国会议员所说的那样，选择支持“竞选中表现最疯狂的那个混蛋”。
The opening round of primaries showed that Democrats and Republicans alike might be looking for something more prosaic: candidates who can follow the traditional rules of politics-and, hopefully, win.
首轮初选显示，这次，民主党人和共和党人可能都在寻找某种更为平淡的东西，即遵循传统政治规则——还有望获胜——的候选人。
