The planning of microdistricts in post-war North Korea: space, power, and everyday life
战后朝鲜微区规划：空间、权力和日常生活
Mina Kim and Inha Jung Department of Architecture, Hanyang University
Mina Kim is a PhD candidate at Hanyang University, South Korea. Her recent research focuses on exploring the formation of microdistrict theory and practices in North Korea and its social dimension.
Inha Jung is a critic, historian, and professor of architecture at Hanyang University, South Korea. He is the author of various books including Point/Counterpoint (Copenhagen: Publisher B, 2014), Architecture and Urbanism in Modern Korea (Honolulu, U.S.: University of Hawaii Press, 2013): Exploring Tectonic Space (Tübingen, Germany: Wasmuth, 2008); Contemporary Architecture and Non-representation (Seoul: Acanet,
2006).
ABSTRACT
In the 1950s, the Soviet Union and other communist countries developed a unique method for allowing socialist ideology to manifest in urban spaces. The theory of the microdistrict was invented to establish self-contained urban units that included both housing and public amenities and resulted in a tremendous change in the planning of communist cities. Because crodistricts satisfied the communities’ social requirements and facilitated mass produced urban housing, the North Korean regime enthusiastically appropriated the microdistrict concept to fit its own reality. This theory has been applied to the country’s urban projects since 1955, a time when the urban population grew rapidly and construction boomed. The design and construction of microdistricts reflected North Korea’s power relation and substantially impacted everyday life. Thus, to more thoroughly understand post-war North Korean society and its urban planning principles, the microdistrict theory should be carefully examined. In light of this historical background, this paper analyses urban projects that were designed based on this theory and explores the impact of the microdistrict theory on the structure of large cities in North Korea.
20世纪50年代，苏联和其他共产主义国家开发了一种独特的方法，让社会主义意识形态在城市空间中得以体现。微区理论的发明是为了建立包括住房和公共设施在内的自给自足的城市单元，并导致了共产主义城市规划的巨大变化。由于crodistricts满足了社区的社会需求，并促进了大规模生产的城市住房，朝鲜政权热情地采纳了microdistrict的概念，以适应其自身的现实。这一理论自1955年以来一直应用于该国的城市项目，当时城市人口快速增长，建筑业蓬勃发展。微区的设计和建设反映了朝鲜的权力关系，并对日常生活产生了重大影响。因此，为了更彻底地了解战后朝鲜社会及其城市规划原则，应该仔细研究微区理论。鉴于这一历史背景，本文分析了基于该理论设计的城市项目，并探讨了微区理论对朝鲜大城市结构的影响。
Introduction
During the post-Korean War era that spanned from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, the theory of the microdistrict, called mikrorayon in Russian and soguyeok in Korean, had a strong influence on the formation of North Korea’s cities. To facilitate the smooth acceptance of this model, the North Korean regime constructed several model housing estates based on the microdistrict theory, examined any resulting problems from multiple perspectives, and established design criteria that were applicable to all North Korean cities. Li Sun-Gwon and Baek Wan-Gi’s 1963 book The Planning of Microdistricts (Jutaek soguyeok gyehoek) integrated the efforts of North Korean architects and planners by identifying 14 large cities in North Korea that implemented housing based on this theory.1
在20世纪50年代中期至70年代中期的后朝鲜战争时期，俄罗斯称为mikrorayon，韩国称为soguyeok的微区理论对朝鲜城市的形成产生了重大影响。为了促进这一模式的顺利接受，朝鲜政权根据微区理论建造了几个示范住宅区，从多个角度研究了由此产生的问题，并制定了适用于所有朝鲜城市的设计标准。李新光和裴万吉在1963年出版的《小区规划》（Jutaek soguyeok gyehoek）一书中，通过确定朝鲜14个根据这一理论实施住房的大城市，综合了朝鲜建筑师和规划师的努力。1
In the aftermath of the Korean War, North Korea’s circumstances made microdistricts particularly relevant and important. The country’s cities had been destroyed and levelled, and the North Korean regime needed an integrated model for large-scale development that not only reflected its political ideology, economic policies, and social institutions but also facilitated housing construction. Microdistrict theory and standardized housing models were effectively combined to organize the urban space based on the socialist way of life.
朝鲜战争结束后，朝鲜的情况使得微型区特别重要。该国的城市已经被摧毁和夷为平地，朝鲜政权需要一个大规模发展的综合模式，该模式不仅反映其政治意识形态、经济政策和社会制度，而且还促进住房建设。微区理论与标准化住房模式有效结合，以社会主义生活方式组织城市空间。
Similar to neighbourhood unit theory in capitalist states, microdistrict theory adopted both social and spatial-technical dimensions. In addition to envisioning social relationships within self-contained urban communities, microdistrict theory also included urbanistic criteria and design details such as block size, density, population, and the disposition of public amenities. Although these two dimensions – social and technical – are intertwined, they can also have their own autonomous domains, which can make it difficult to fully understand the meaning embodied in microdistrict theory. Therefore, we address these two domains simultaneously based on the particular situation of North Korean society during the post-war era.
与资本主义国家的邻里单位理论类似，微区理论采用了社会和空间技术两个维度。除了设想自给自足的城市社区内的社会关系外，微区理论还包括城市标准和设计细节，如街区大小、密度、人口和公共设施的配置。尽管这两个维度——社会和技术——交织在一起，但它们也可以有自己的自治域，这使得很难完全理解微区理论所体现的含义。因此，我们根据战后朝鲜社会的特殊情况同时处理这两个领域。
With this goal in mind, it is essential to clarify the process of applying the microdistrict theory to North Korean cities. North Korean planners established norms that were put into practice through urban projects, and the analysis of this transformation is an important aspect of this study. In addition, we will illuminate the formation of North Korea’s social framework through urban design and its effect on everyday life. In Foucauldian terms, ‘space is a vital part of the battle for control and surveillance of individuals’.2 In North Korea, urban design assumed the dominant role of penetrating the world of domestic life. This erasure of the division between public and private life in North Korean urban and dwelling space created a unique lifestyle very different to that in the capitalist world.、
考虑到这一目标，有必要澄清将微区理论应用于朝鲜城市的过程。朝鲜规划者制定了通过城市项目付诸实施的规范，对这一转变的分析是本研究的一个重要方面。此外，我们还将通过城市设计阐明朝鲜社会框架的形成及其对日常生活的影响。用福柯的话说，“空间是控制和监视个人斗争的重要组成部分”。2在朝鲜，城市设计在渗透家庭生活世界方面发挥了主导作用。这种对朝鲜城市和居住空间中公共生活和私人生活划分的抹杀创造了一种与资本主义世界截然不同的独特生活方式
The social meaning of the microdistrict theory in North Korea
朝鲜微区理论的社会意义
Interestingly, diverse discussions of the self-contained urban unit erupted in the 1920s independent of political ideology. The concept of a neighbourhood was not specifically addressed by Western urban planners until the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, as the suburban areas around large American cities grew in the 1920s, urban planners researched the size and amenities necessary for neighbourhood units. This line of research led to the publication of Clarence A. Perry’s 1929 paper entitled The Neighborhood Unit. The Soviet Union explored a similar concept, but its social meaning was different, emerging from comprehensive efforts to find settlement patterns compatible with socialist ideology. In the 1920s, a new concept of urban units called sotsgorod in industrial cities surfaced as an important theme, and in the 1930s, Stalin-era planners created a type of urban block called kvartal (кварта´л, or quarters) as independent urban units. The kvartal took root as one of the principal guidelines to control urban form and density in large cities of the Soviet Union.
有趣的是，在20世纪20年代，独立于政治意识形态，对独立的城市单元展开了各种各样的讨论。直到十九世纪和二十世纪初，西方城市规划者才明确提出邻里的概念。然而，20世纪20年代，随着美国大城市周围郊区的发展，城市规划师研究了邻里单元所需的面积和设施。这一系列研究导致了克拉伦斯·A·佩里1929年发表的论文《邻里单位》。苏联探索了一个类似的概念，但其社会意义有所不同，它是在寻找符合社会主义意识形态的定居模式的综合努力中产生的。20世纪20年代，工业城市中出现了一种称为sotsgorod的新的城市单元概念，这是一个重要的主题。20世纪30年代，斯大林时代的规划者创建了一种称为kvartal的城市街区，作为独立的城市单元。kvartal作为苏联大城市控制城市形态和密度的主要指南之一扎根。
However, the Stalinist kvartal could not afford sufficient large-scale construction to solve the deteriorating housing shortage. Therefore, the Soviet government changed its housing policy to promote effective construction by maximizing standardization and prefabrication. Based on this approach, Soviet architects developed an apartment model known as Khrushchyovka (хрущёвка), which diffused over communist countries in collaboration with the theory of the microdistrict. At the fifth Congress of the International Union of Architects (IUA) held in Moscow in 1958, delegates approved a resolution that ‘The planning construction of housing must be based on the principle of the microdistrict’,3 the size of which depends on realistic economic, geographical, and social conditions. From then on, the theory of the microdistrict became a basic principle of city planning in communist countries. According to S. Strumilin, this theory could promote the purpose of a socialist society by supporting collectivized living for workers and releasing women from the drudgery of housework.4 Thus, the microdistrict extended beyond its spatial-technical dimensions to achieve cultural and social significance. We can observe these dual dimensions in the microdistricts of North Korea.
然而，斯大林主义者克瓦塔尔负担不起足够的大规模建设来解决日益恶化的住房短缺问题。因此，苏联政府改变了住房政策，通过最大限度地标准化和预制来促进有效建设。基于这一方法，苏联建筑师开发了一种称为赫鲁晓夫卡（Khrushchyovka）的公寓模型，该模型与微区理论一起在共产主义国家传播。1958年在莫斯科举行的国际建筑师联合会（IUA）第五届大会上，代表们批准了一项决议，即“住房的规划建设必须基于微型区原则”，3微型区的大小取决于现实的经济、地理和社会条件。从那时起，微区理论成为共产主义国家城市规划的基本原则。根据S.Strumilin的观点，这一理论可以通过支持工人的集体化生活和将妇女从繁重的家务劳动中解放出来来促进社会主义社会的目标。4因此，微区超越了其空间技术维度，实现了文化和社会意义。我们可以在朝鲜的小区域观察到这种双重维度。
The formation of social frameworks
社会框架的形成
When Soviet forces began amphibious landings in Korea on 14 August 1945 and rapidly took over the north of the country just after the end of the Second World War, the Korean peninsula divided into two states. Afterwards, North Korean leaders tried to build a socialist state through diverse legal systems. On 5 March 1946, Kim Il Sung, then the head of the interim people’s committee, promulgated the land reform that legalized the confiscation of all land. In the same year, the North Korean leaders published 20 platforms (Gangryeong) that served as a constitution, clarifying the government’s character and its basic mission. These platforms specified equal rights for the sexes, including an eight-hour workday and reform of the educational system. Due to the Korean War, however, further progress was not made.
1945年8月14日，苏联军队开始两栖登陆朝鲜，并在第二次世界大战结束后迅速占领朝鲜北部，朝鲜半岛分裂为两个国家。后来，朝鲜领导人试图通过不同的法律制度建立一个社会主义国家。1946年3月5日，时任临时人民委员会主席的金日成颁布了土地改革，使没收所有土地合法化。同年，朝鲜领导人发表了20个政纲（Gangryeong），作为一部宪法，明确了政府的性质及其基本使命。这些平台规定了男女平等的权利，包括八小时工作日和教育制度改革。然而，由于朝鲜战争，没有取得进一步的进展。
The Korean Armistice Agreement was signed on 27 July 1953. Joseph Stalin’s death several months earlier reshaped the East Asian political landscape. Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization programme put intense pressure on the Stalinist governments of China and North Korea and led toserious conflicts particularly between the Soviet Union and China. Kim responded to the leadership change in the Soviet Union with sensitivity under pressure from these circumstances. When Kim visited Moscow on 20 April 1955, he was encouraged to fundamentally modify his country’s existing policies.5 Thereafter, the North Korean regime changed course, advancing light industry and agriculture alongside heavy industry. North Korea also began to establish various laws and regulations related to the everyday life of its citizens. Such attempts mirrored Khrushchev’s reforms during the 1950s. The introduction of microdistricts was thus inextricably linked to contemporaneous circumstances.
1953年7月27日签署了《朝鲜停战协定》。约瑟夫·斯大林几个月前去世，重塑了东亚政治格局。赫鲁晓夫的去斯大林化计划给中国和朝鲜的斯大林政府施加了巨大压力，并导致了严重的冲突，特别是苏联和中国之间的冲突。在这些环境的压力下，金正恩以敏感的态度回应了苏联领导人的更迭。1955年4月20日，金正恩访问莫斯科时，他被鼓励从根本上修改国家现有政策。5此后，朝鲜政权改变了方向，在重工业的同时推进轻工业和农业。朝鲜还开始制定与公民日常生活有关的各种法律法规。这些尝试反映了赫鲁晓夫在20世纪50年代的改革。因此，微区的引入与当时的环境密不可分。
A social framework addressing education, women, labour, status classification, and a monitoring system was formed in approximately 1958. The year 1958 marks a significant moment in the history of North Korea: when Kim Il Sung took over as the main political power, paving the way towards indefinite seizure of power. This is when the Chollima movement began in earnest. Following in the footsteps of the Soviet Union, North Korea also expedited the construction of standardized mass housing, women’s participation in economic activities, the establishment of obligatory education, and the distribution of goods. These social systems took shape in urban spaces with the planning of microdistricts, which served as a guideline for massive construction of housing through the rise of Kim Jong Il in 1973.
大约在1958年，建立了一个处理教育、妇女、劳动、地位分类和监测系统的社会框架。1958年是朝鲜历史上的一个重要时刻：金日成接任朝鲜主要政权，为无限期夺取政权铺平了道路。这就是千里马运动真正开始的时候。继苏联之后，朝鲜还加快了标准化集体住房建设、妇女参与经济活动、义务教育和商品分配。这些社会体系是在城市空间中通过小区规划形成的，在1973年金正日的崛起期间，小区规划成为大规模住房建设的指导方针。
To ease the labour shortage it faced during its construction boom, the North Korean regime used women’s labour. Classical Marxists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had developed a theoretical framework tying the fight for women’s liberation to the struggle for socialism. In line with this notion, the North Korean regime enacted laws pertaining to women immediately after the state’s liberation. In 1957, the North Korean regime introduced a five-year plan that included deploying more women workers on shop floors. This idea was legalized in Cabinet Decision No. 84, ‘On the deployment of more women’s labour forces in economic sectors’, published on 19 July 1958.6 To make women participate in every sector of the economy, the North Korean cabinet decided the following: (1) to increase the proportion of women working in education and public health sectors to over 60% and in other sectors to over 30%; (2) to replace men and employ women in job positions in which women can work; (3) to create nurseries, kindergartens, and common laundry facilities using existing public institution buildings and enterprises to guarantee women’s social activities; (4) to implement diverse time-based wage systems to extensively employ women in workplaces and to operate tailored kindergartens according to working time; and (5) to increase the number of women attending colleges, training schools, and vocational schools. The third clause of the decision – which addressed women’s housework and the provision of childcare facilities – was reflected in microdistrict planning. To reduce women’s housekeeping demands, rice factories, food factories, and domestic workshops were installed in the microdistricts. Based on these efforts, the female portion of the workforce rose from 19.9% in 1956 to 38.5% in 1964 and to 45.5% in 1971.7
为了缓解建筑业繁荣时期面临的劳动力短缺，朝鲜政权使用了女性劳动力。十九世纪和二十世纪初的经典马克思主义者发展了一个理论框架，将争取妇女解放的斗争与争取社会主义的斗争联系起来。根据这一理念，朝鲜政权在国家解放后立即颁布了有关妇女的法律。1957年，朝鲜政权推出了一项五年计划，其中包括在车间部署更多女工。这一想法在1958年7月19日公布的内阁第84号决定“关于在经济部门部署更多妇女劳动力”中合法化。6为了让妇女参与经济的各个部门，朝鲜内阁决定如下：（1）将在教育和公共卫生部门工作的妇女比例提高到60%以上，在其他部门工作的妇女比例提高到30%以上；（2） 取代男子并雇用妇女担任妇女可以工作的职位；（3） 利用现有公共机构建筑和企业建立托儿所、幼儿园和公共洗衣设施，以保障妇女的社会活动；（4） 实施多种基于时间的工资制度，在工作场所广泛雇用妇女，并根据工作时间开办量身定制的幼儿园；（5）增加上大学、培训学校和职业学校的妇女人数。该决定的第三条——涉及妇女家务和提供托儿设施——反映在小区规划中。为了减少妇女的家务需求，在微型区设立了稻米厂、食品厂和家庭作坊。基于这些努力，女性劳动力比例从1956年的19.9%上升到1964年的38.5%和1971年的45.5%。7
North Korea’s educational system influenced the block sizes in the planning of microdistricts. Before the Korean War, North Korea’s school system had consisted of a four-year elementary school, a three-year junior middle school, a three-year senior middle school, and a four-year college. However, the Supreme People’s Assembly of the Korean Workers’ Party passed a bill on 10 October 1959 that modified this system. In place of the senior middle school, a two-year technical school and a two-year high technical school were created. This modification was made to prepare for the nine-year obligatory education (four years, three years, and two years) for all students in 1966.8 The new system focused on technical education because the absence of skilled workers was a serious barrier to North Korea’s economic development. However, this school system confused the East German architects in charge of rebuilding Hamhung, the second largest city in North Korea. Because elementary school in North Korea lasted only four years, there were fewer students to be accommodated than in German schools, which meant that German criteria were not readily applicable to North Korea and had to be adapted.
朝鲜的教育制度影响了小区规划中的街区规模。朝鲜战争前，朝鲜的学校体系由四年制小学、三年制初中、三年制高中和四年制大学组成。然而，朝鲜劳动党最高人民会议于1959年10月10日通过了一项法案，修改了这一制度。建立了一所两年制技术学校和一所两年制高中，以取代高中。这项修改是为了为1966年所有学生的九年义务教育（四年、三年和两年）做准备。8新的制度侧重于技术教育，因为缺乏熟练工人是朝鲜经济发展的严重障碍。然而，这一学校体系让负责重建朝鲜第二大城市咸兴的东德建筑师感到困惑。因为朝鲜的小学只持续了四年，要容纳的学生比德国学校要少，这意味着德国的标准不容易适用于朝鲜，必须加以调整。
Since the late 1950s, the North Korean regime has tightly controlled the everyday lives of its people by means of diverse social systems. The North Korean regime organized networks to strengthen its ability to control and monitor its citizens by means of a classification system that utilized individuals’ backgrounds and political tendencies. North Korean totalitarianism was maintained through several powerful methods of social control, the most elaborate and intrusive of which was the songbun classification system. The songbun system subdivides the country’s population into 51 categories – or ranks – of trustworthiness and loyalty to the Kim family and to the North Korean state. These categories are grouped into three broad castes: the core, wavering, and hostile classes. In a 1958 speech, Kim Il Sung reported that the core, wavering, and hostile classes represented 25%, 55%, and 20% of the population, respectively.9 Although its rate varied over time, such classification led to the stratification of urban spaces and living standards.
自20世纪50年代末以来，朝鲜政权通过各种社会制度严格控制人民的日常生活。朝鲜政权组织网络，通过利用个人背景和政治倾向的分类系统，加强其控制和监督公民的能力。朝鲜极权主义通过几种强大的社会控制手段得以维持，其中最复杂和最具侵入性的是songbun分类系统。宋朝制度将朝鲜人口划分为51个类别——或等级——对金氏家族和朝鲜国家的信任和忠诚。这些类别分为三大种姓：核心阶层、动摇阶层和敌对阶层。在1958年的一次演讲中，金日成报告说，核心阶级、动摇阶级和敌对阶级分别占人口的25%、55%和20%。9尽管其比例随时间而变化，但这种分类导致了城市空间和生活水平的分层。
Control was further reinforced by the central distribution system. In its Cabinet Decision No. 102 of 3 November 1957, ‘On the National Sole Sale System of Food’, the North Korean regime abolished the free sale of food and implemented a full distribution system for all workers and office employees. The North Korean regime also announced Cabinet Decision No. 82 on 16 July 1958, ‘On the Improvement of Domestic Commerce’,10 which determined the number and size of commercial facilities by calculating the distribution to and the needs of inhabitants. Accordingly, the irregularly distributed commercial network was unified into a national distribution system where location was decided through microdistrict planning. Implementing this centralized distribution system had a severe impact on the everyday lives of North Koreans by preventing residents from choosing where they live and work. Assigned based on their origins and the classification system, citizens were not permitted to move arbitrarily. In addition, because the distribution of food was based on rank and achievement, socialist competition ensued.11 Many workers formed shock brigades and engaged in competitions to improve their production quality.12
中央分配系统进一步加强了控制。在其1957年11月3日的内阁第102号决定“关于全国唯一食品销售制度”中，朝鲜政权废除了食品的自由销售，并对所有工人和办公室雇员实行全面的分配制度。朝鲜政权还在1958年7月16日宣布了内阁第82号决定，“关于改善国内商业”，10该决定通过计算居民的分布和需求来确定商业设施的数量和规模。因此，不规则分布的商业网络被整合成一个全国性的配送系统，在这个系统中，位置是通过微区规划确定的。实施这一集中分配制度对朝鲜人的日常生活产生了严重影响，使居民无法选择他们的生活和工作地点。根据他们的出身和分类制度，公民不得随意移动。此外，由于食品的分配是以等级和成就为基础的，社会主义竞争随之产生。11许多工人组成突击队，参加竞争，以提高生产质量。12
The proximity of living and working spaces served as one of the major principles of socialist urbanism.13 In China, a work unit called a danwei offered its employees lifetime employment and welfare, including public housing and medical care. A typical work unit integrated work, residential, and social facilities in close proximity within one or several walled compounds. This characteristic form had a profound impact on urbanism under Mao.14 North Korea attempted to maintain the proximity of dwelling and working spaces without placing them together in a single urban unit, as in China. Instead, factories and manufacturing facilities were concentrated in industrial zones, and housing complexes were arranged around these zones. Pyongyang, the capital, retained three industrial zones that had been created in the colonial period. In the 1960s, large-scale housing complexes such as Botongbeol and East Pyongyang were intensively developed around these zones, as illustrated in Figure 1, which shows Pyongyang zoning maps from the 1960s.
靠近生活和工作空间是社会主义城市化的主要原则之一。13在中国，一个名为a danwei的单位为其员工提供终身就业和福利，包括公共住房和医疗。一个典型的工作单元将工作、住宅和社会设施紧密地结合在一个或多个有围墙的化合物内。这种独特的形式对毛泽东时代的城市化产生了深远的影响。14朝鲜试图保持居住和工作空间的接近性，而不是像中国那样将它们放在一个单一的城市单元中。相反，工厂和制造设施集中在工业区，住宅综合体布置在这些区域周围。首都平壤保留了殖民时期建立的三个工业区。20世纪60年代，大型住宅综合体（如Botongbeol和平壤东部）在这些区域周围密集开发，如图1所示，该图显示了20世纪60年代平壤的分区图。
The socialist way of life and the birth of a new communism
社会主义生活方式与新共产主义的诞生
The social framework of North Korea had many varied effects on daily life. Above all, the construction of mass housing offered physical form to the socialist way of life,15 as the North Korean regime adopted the mass housing policies of the Khrushchev era. On 31 July 1957, the Soviet government announced a new decree, ‘On the Advancement of Housing Construction in the Soviet Union’, after the declaration of Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization plan.16 A core component of Khrushchev’s reform, this law marked the beginning of overcoming the housing crisis. Three months later, the Central Committee of the Korean Worker’s Party increased the rate of prefabrication in housing construction to 50%. The North Korean media continued to emphasize the standardization of design, the industrialization of components, and the mechanization of construction,17 all of which would assist in constructing 14,000 household units in Pyongyang and 16,000 household units in the surrounding region by 1958.18 Kim Il Sung’s regime mobilized the masses in order to cope with labour shortages, limited resources, and low-level technology. The Chollima movement and the so-called myth of Pyongyang Speed were born in 1958. The movement – similar in its purpose and character to the Stakhanovite movement of the Soviet Union and the Great Leap Forward of China – was a campaign of mass mobilization dependent on ‘volunteer’ labour. White-collar workers and students were required to assist in rapid urban reconstruction projects.19
朝鲜的社会结构对日常生活产生了许多不同的影响。最重要的是，集体住房的建设为社会主义生活方式提供了物质形式，15因为朝鲜政权采用了赫鲁晓夫时代的集体住房政策。1957年7月31日，在宣布赫鲁晓夫的去斯大林化计划后，苏联政府宣布了一项新法令，“关于推进苏联住房建设”。16作为赫鲁晓夫改革的核心组成部分，这项法律标志着克服住房危机的开始。三个月后，朝鲜劳动党中央委员会将住房建设中的预制率提高到50%。朝鲜媒体继续强调设计标准化、组件工业化和施工机械化，17所有这些都将有助于到1958年在平壤建造14000个家庭单元，在周边地区建造16000个家庭单元。18金日成政权动员群众，以应对劳动力短缺、资源有限和技术水平低下的问题。千里马运动和所谓的平壤速度神话诞生于1958年。这场运动的目的和性质与苏联的斯塔哈诺维特运动和中国的大跃进相似，是一场依靠“志愿者”劳动的群众动员运动。要求白领工人和学生协助快速城市重建项目。19
To improve productivity in this movement, the North Korean regime gave special treatment to labourers who exceeded the established goals, honouring them with titles such as ‘effort hero’ or ‘republic hero’. This was similar to the Stakhanovite movement in the Soviet Union, where workers who exceeded production targets could become heroes of socialist labour. In the process, the labourers soon surfaced as a new ruling class, replacing high-ranking officials purged during the August Faction Incident.20 Strong incentives for intense labour were tied to housing. Since the North Korean land reform of 1946 that confiscated land and prohibited its ownership, North Koreans could only rent houses of various sizes. These were assigned based on the classification system and the renter’s status, and rent was paid monthly. Until the late 1980s, when high-rise apartments first appeared in North Korea’s large cities, four housing types were available: types 1 and 2 for common workers and office workers, type 3 for middle-grade officers, and special houses for high-ranking and high-profile officers (Figure 2).21
为了提高这场运动的生产率，朝鲜政权对超过既定目标的劳动者给予特殊待遇，授予他们“努力英雄”或“共和国英雄”等称号。这类似于苏联的斯塔哈诺维特运动，在那里，超过生产目标的工人可以成为社会主义劳动的英雄。在此过程中，劳工很快成为新的统治阶级，取代了八月派系事件中被清洗的高级官员。20强烈的密集劳动激励与住房有关。自1946年朝鲜土地改革没收土地并禁止其所有权以来，朝鲜只能租用各种大小的房屋。这些是根据分类系统和承租人的身份分配的，租金按月支付。直到20世纪80年代末，当高层公寓首次出现在朝鲜的大城市时，有四种住房类型可用：普通工人和办公室工人的1型和2型，中级官员的3型，以及高级和高调官员的特殊住房（图2）。21
Together with the incentive system, the North Korean regime took advantage of dwelling space to promote social control. This goal penetrated everyday life through the people’s unit. The people’s unit was a basic social group consisting of more than 15 households in which collective and private life coexisted.22 Normally, staircases in apartment buildings served as boundaries separating each unit.23 The head of each unit was the distributor of food, fuel, and necessities and was also the strict monitor of residents’ behaviour. This person was also in charge of mobilizing people for social and national events. Because North Koreans occupied the same housing for long periods of time, it was important to maintain positive, interactive relationships within a unit.24 People’s lifestyles in these units were completely different from those in neighbourhoods or administrative units in capitalist cities, and the surveillance system of North Korea could work on the microlevel with the help of this system. With the formation of the people’s unit, the microdistrict was subdivided into primary living units (chogeup saenghwal danwi), and meeting places to conduct ideological education were added. This development also explains why the single-corridor-access apartment was so popular among the several dwelling types in North Korea.
与激励制度一起，朝鲜政权利用居住空间促进社会控制。这一目标贯穿于人民单位的日常生活。人民单位是一个基本的社会群体，由15多个家庭组成，集体生活和私人生活共存。22通常，公寓楼中的楼梯是分隔每个单位的边界。23每个单位的负责人是食品、燃料和食品的分发者，同时也是对居民行为的严格监控。此人还负责动员人们参加社会和国家活动。由于朝鲜人长期居住在同一个住房中，因此在一个单位内保持积极的互动关系非常重要。24这些单位内的人们的生活方式与资本主义城市的街区或行政单位完全不同，在这个系统的帮助下，朝鲜的监视系统可以在微观层面上工作。随着人民单位的成立，微型区被细分为初级生活单元（chogeup saenghwal danwi），并增加了进行思想教育的会议场所。这一发展也解释了为什么单走廊通道公寓在朝鲜的几种住宅类型中如此流行。
The North Korean regime continued to produce ideological propaganda that concealed social problems and made its own totalitarian system sustainable. For example, rapid construction led to many negative side effects. Although standardized mass housing made a major contribution to solving the housing shortage, it turned the urbanscape of North Korean cities into homogeneous configurations and introduced unfamiliar residential interiors that were incongruous with traditional ways of life. Haste during the construction process also led to many problems. To cope, Kim Il Sung ‘advanced enhancing the quality of overall socialist construction as the most important task’,25 and he began to emphasize the intensification of ideological education because he believed that old capitalist thoughts and a vestige of feudalistic ideas could not createconstruction fit for the socialist period.26 Kim Il Sung’s arguments also applied to the North Korean government. Its cabinet decided that the ‘cultural, hygienic, and techno-economic management of rapidly constructed cities can meet the requirements for citizens’ dwelling and cultural living’.27 The Central Committee of the North Korean Federation of All Occupations insisted that ‘parents should raise their children in the communist way of life by reforming themselves into a thorough communist by means of a determined struggle against old customs inherited from the previous generation’.2
朝鲜政权继续进行意识形态宣传，掩盖社会问题，使自己的极权制度得以维持。例如，快速施工导致了许多负面影响。尽管标准化的大众住房为解决住房短缺做出了重大贡献，但它将朝鲜城市的城市景观变成了同质化配置，并引入了与传统生活方式不协调的陌生住宅内部。施工过程中的匆忙也导致了许多问题。为此，金日成“将提高社会主义全面建设的质量作为首要任务”，25他开始强调加强思想教育，因为他认为旧资本主义思想和封建残余思想无法创造适合社会主义时期的建筑。26金日成的论点也适用于朝鲜政府。内阁决定"文化,卫生,，而快速建设的城市的技术经济管理可以满足公民居住和文化生活的要求。27朝鲜各行各业联合会中央委员会坚持“父母应该用共产主义的生活方式抚养孩子，通过在2015年将自己改造成一个彻底的共产主义者。”坚决反对从上一代继承下来的旧习俗的手段”
Therefore, everyday spaces were required to be cultural and hygienic and to reflect a socialist way of life. A generation of new communists in North Korea was born in these spaces. They were supermen who selflessly laboured for the new communist state. As a result, North Korea’s social system succeeded in raising a thoroughly obedient human type. Today, those who visit North Korea29 are struck by finding that the North Korean’s reality is completely trapped within a liar’s box. Deprived of any chance to choose another reality, they are struggling to be faithful to the present (Figure 3).
因此，要求日常空间具有文化性和卫生性，并反映社会主义生活方式。朝鲜新一代共产党人就是在这些地方诞生的。他们是为新的共产主义国家无私劳动的超人。结果，朝鲜的社会制度成功地培养了一种完全顺从的人类类型。今天，那些访问朝鲜的人29被发现朝鲜的现实完全被困在一个骗子的盒子里而震惊。被剥夺了选择另一个现实的机会，他们正在努力忠实于现在（图3）。
The planning and technical criteria of microdistricts in North Korea 朝鲜微区的规划和技术标准
The origin of the microdistrict in the Soviet Union can be traced to dissatisfaction with the Staliniststyle kvartal (кварта´л). There were serious problems with these 5–6 ha traditional urban blocks. Because public amenities could only be economically provided to 6000–8000 inhabitants per block, the existing blocks – which accommodated only 4000 residents – were too small. Moreover, children walking to schools in different blocks had to cross potentially dangerous roads. The Stalinist housing districts also exhibited inefficient land use because roads occupied 20–25% of the land area.30 The theory of microdistricts emerged to address these problems. After the fifth congress of the IUA in July 1958, North Korea and other communist countries officially accepted the microdistrict as a basic unit of urbanism.
苏联微区的起源可以追溯到对斯大林风格的克瓦塔尔（ааааааааа）的不满。这5-6公顷的传统城市街区存在严重问题。由于每个街区只能经济地为6000-8000名居民提供公共设施，现有街区（仅容纳4000名居民）太小。此外，步行到不同街区的学校的儿童必须穿过潜在危险的道路。斯大林主义住宅区的土地利用效率也很低，因为道路占用了20-25%的土地面积。30微区理论的出现是为了解决这些问题。1958年7月国际城市联盟第五次代表大会后，朝鲜和其他共产主义国家正式接受微区作为城市化的基本单位。
The microdistrict theory was introduced to North Korea through two channels: the Soviet Union and East Germany. The first mainly came from North Korean students who studied architecture and urban planning in the Soviet Union. Upon their return, these students brought with them the newest planning theories. Kim Jeong-Hui, who played a dominant role in the establishment of plans for Pyongyang in the 1950s, represented this trend. A look at North Korean architectural magazines in the post-war era shows that the Soviet urban planning theories were translated immediately after being published. In the case of East Germany,31 in 1954, a ‘German Work Team’ (Deutsche Arbeitsgruppe, DAG) was dispatched to Hamhung after the East German Politburo agreed with then Prime Minister Grotewohl that assistance was needed to reconstruct Hamhung.32 Grotewohl appointed his own son Hans Grotewohl, an architect, as the head of the DAG to direct this project. The next year, 143 East German experts comprising city planners, architects, engineers, economic specialists, and master craftsmen landed in Hamhung.33 This self-contained work brigade equipped with modern machines and tools began to rebuild the entire city, including its housing, office buildings, streets, and all other necessary infrastructure (Figures 4 and 5).34
微区理论通过两个渠道传入朝鲜：苏联和东德。第一批学生主要来自在苏联学习建筑和城市规划的朝鲜学生。回国后，这些学生带来了最新的规划理论。20世纪50年代在平壤计划制定过程中发挥主导作用的金正辉代表了这一趋势。看看朝鲜战后的建筑杂志，苏联的城市规划理论一经发表就被翻译了。就东德而言，31 1954年，在东德政治局与时任总理格罗特沃尔达成协议，需要援助重建哈蒙后，一个“德国工作队”（Deutsche Arbeitsgruppe，DAG）被派往哈蒙。32格罗特沃尔任命自己的儿子汉斯·格罗特沃尔为建筑师，作为DAG的负责人指导该项目。第二年，143名东德专家（包括城市规划师、建筑师、工程师、经济专家和工匠大师）抵达汉中。33这个配备现代机器和工具的自给自足的工作队开始重建整个城市，包括住房、办公楼、街道和所有其他必要的基础设施（图4和图5）
The reconstruction of Hamhung was originally planned as a 10-year project from 1955 to 1964, but it shrank to an eight-year project with the total withdrawal of East German experts in 1962.35 During the first four years (1955–1958), the East German architects constructed 5193 household units and urban structures in Hamhung and Hungnam.36 Their approaches to the design of housing estates followed the Bauhaus tradition under the strong influence of Soviet methods. They also reflected the specific local situation in their planning. Konrad Püschel, a student of Wassily Kandinsky at Bauhaus, was the head of city planning for the Hamhung project from 1955 to 1959.37 In Hamhung, Püschel paid careful attention to the traditional Korean city form and spatial relationships, where, rather than modernity affecting tradition, ‘tradition finds a new context in our society’.38 According to a DAG report, East German architects and planners mentioned the importance of standard criteria for the building-to-land ratio and density of housing estates to enhance the economy and transformed the standard criteria of East Germany into those of North Korea.39 They believed that the main differences came from environmental factors such as climate, geography, soils, and social specificity, such as large family systems.40 However, after exchanging bruising debates over construction methods and cost with Kim Il Sung and North Korean planners, the experts of the DAG began to pull out of the housing construction since 1958, and the East German government decided to sharply reduce its aid to North Korea in 1960.41
Hamhung的重建最初计划从1955年到1964年，为期10年，但随着1962年东德专家全部撤离，该项目缩减为8年。35在头四年（1955-1958年），东德建筑师在Hamhung和Hunnam建造了5193个家庭单元和城市结构。36在苏联方法的强烈影响下，他们的住宅区设计方法遵循包豪斯传统。他们在规划中也反映了当地的具体情况。康拉德·皮舍尔（Konrad Püschel）是包豪斯大学瓦西里·康定斯基（Wassily Kandinsky）的学生，1955年至1959年期间担任咸兴项目的城市规划负责人。37在咸兴，皮舍尔非常关注韩国传统的城市形态和空间关系，而不是现代性对传统的影响，“传统在我们的社会中找到了新的背景”。38根据DAG的一份报告，东德建筑师和规划师提到了房地产建筑与土地比率和密度的标准标准对于促进经济发展的重要性，并将东德的标准标准转变为朝鲜的标准。39他们认为，主要差异来自气候、地理、，然而，在与金日成和朝鲜规划师就建筑方法和成本进行激烈辩论后，DAG的专家从1958年开始退出住房建设，1960年，东德政府决定大幅减少对朝鲜的援助。41
Size of microdistricts
It was not until East German architects established their reconstruction plan for Hamhung that schools became a central factor in housing estate design. The architects selected schools as their criterion for calculating the anticipated number of residents and the size of housing estates.42 However, a problem emerged because the school systems of these two states were different. Until 1959, North Korea’s system included four years of elementary school, three years of junior middle school, and three years of senior middle school.43 Thus, German architects assumed seven years (elementary school plus junior middle school) to be the equivalent of German elementary school. However, due to the lack of schools, the North Korean regime implemented a three-rotation system using the buildings at different times, so that the number of students in a given school tripled. If a three-rotation system and seven-year school was assumed, the population that a microdistrict could sustain would be approximately 3000, and its size would vary from 8 to 36 ha, depending on building height.
直到东德建筑师为汉兴制定了重建计划，学校才成为住宅区设计的核心因素。建筑师选择学校作为计算预期居民人数和住宅区规模的标准。42然而，由于这两个州的学校系统不同，出现了一个问题。直到1959年，朝鲜的体系包括四年小学、三年初中和三年高中。43因此，德国建筑师假设七年（小学加初中）相当于德国小学。然而，由于缺少学校，朝鲜政权在不同的时间使用建筑物实行了三轮制，因此某所学校的学生人数增加了三倍。如果假设采用三轮制和七年制学校，那么一个小区可维持的人口约为3000人，其面积将根据建筑高度从8公顷到36公顷不等。
This standard is clearly documented in the report submitted by the North Korean delegation to the fifth meeting of the IUA in Moscow in July 1958.44 According to the report,
朝鲜代表团提交给1958年7月在莫斯科举行的IUA第五次会议的报告中明确记录了该标准。44根据该报告，
our aim is to build self-contained residential blocks and neighbourhood units. In some towns, this principle has already made considerable headway…The dimensions of a residential block depend on the number of school-age children accommodated by a single school. On this basis, the population of a block varies from 3000–3500.
我们的目标是建造独立的住宅大厦和邻里单位。在一些城镇，这一原则已经取得了相当大的进展……住宅区的规模取决于一所学校容纳的学龄儿童数量。在此基础上，一个街区的人口从3000到3500不等。
Subsequently, North Korean experts introduced diverse ideas regarding the size of microdistricts. Similar to experts in the Soviet Union, they were concerned that under the previous block-centred plan, the rational disposition of schools and kindergartens would not be possible, the division of rest areas and public spaces would be difficult, and the orientation of buildings would be unappealing.45
随后，朝鲜专家提出了关于小区规模的不同想法。与苏联的专家类似，他们担心，根据以前的以街区为中心的计划，学校和幼儿园的合理布局将不可能，休息区和公共空间的划分将很困难，建筑物的方向将不吸引人。45
Instead, they deemed it urgent to establish a rational scheme, standard, and method tailored to the local situation. Li Sun-Gwon’s article ‘On the rational method of housing section construction by standardized design’ first explored methods of calculating the size of a new microdistrict. He suggested including three variables: living space per person, building height, and the number of students in an elementary school (Table 1).46
相反，他们认为迫切需要根据当地情况制定合理的方案、标准和方法。李孙冠的文章《标准化设计住宅区建设的合理方法》首次探索了计算新小区规模的方法。他建议包括三个变量：人均居住空间、建筑高度和小学学生人数（表1）。46
However, Kim U-Ho’s article ‘On the architectural density in microdistricts’ suggested a different method of calculation. He used microdistricts No. 31 in West Pyongyang and No. 23 on Stalin Street as examples, each consisting of six-storey buildings. Here, the sizes of the microdistricts were expected to be different. According to Kim, if a 10-year, 20-class school were erected, the population would be 7400 and the district should be 11–12 ha in size.47 Compared with other microdistricts, these were smaller and denser because Kim based his calculations on microdistricts from downtown Pyongyang.
然而，Kim U-Ho在《微区建筑密度》一文中提出了一种不同的计算方法。他以平壤西部的31号微型区和斯大林街的23号微型区为例，每个微型区由六层楼组成。在这里，预计微区的大小会有所不同。据Kim说，如果建立一所10年20班的学校，人口将达到7400人，该地区的面积应为11-12公顷。47与其他小区相比，这些小区更小，密度更大，因为Kim的计算基于平壤市中心的小区。
It became clear that a central criterion in planning a microdistrict should be the number of residents that can sustain a school. However, the Central Design Institute, which was under the umbrella of the National Construction Committee, determined that there should be three types of microdistricts. Each would be tailored to geographical conditions such as site size and form, topography, geological conditions, and location.48 Of the three microdistrict designs, the Central Design Institute drafted a model based on the first option: 35 ha with an anticipated population of 10,800. This is an economical design, with 15% lower construction costs and 40% less paved road area compared to the Stalinist block-centred model (Table 2).49
很明显，规划一个微型区的中心标准应该是能够维持一所学校的居民人数。然而，隶属于国家建设委员会的中央设计院（Central Design Institute）决定，应该有三种类型的微区。每一个都将根据地理条件进行调整，如场地大小和形式、地形、地质条件和位置。48在三个微型区设计中，中央设计院根据第一个方案起草了一个模型：35公顷，预计人口10800人。这是一种经济的设计，与斯大林式块中心模型相比，建筑成本降低15%，铺砌道路面积减少40%（表2）。49
When Li Sun-Gwon and Baek Wan-Gi published The Planning of Microdistricts in 1963, they synthesized diverse discussions about the size of microdistricts. They believed that to ensure convenient and comfortable living conditions for residents, a school with 880–1200 seats and a kindergarten with 350 seats could become the standard size for microdistricts. Under these guidelines, a suitable size for a microdistrict would be 15–20 ha with 5000–7000 inhabitants50 – smaller than under previous calculation methods. However, a microdistrict of lesser than 10 ha would be too small to guarantee convenience for residents. Reducing construction costs was another important factor. Because the construction costs of paved roads, water supplies, sewer systems, and heating systems depended on the microdistrict size, it was essential to find a suitable balance among these requirements.51 Thus, considering requirements such as convenience for residents, working conditions, transportation, the economics of urban construction, city size, and building height, they concluded that a microdistrict covering 15–30 ha and housing 5000–10,000 inhabitants would be most suitable for North Korea, as demonstrated in contemporary North Korean cities. Statistically, the average size of microdistricts in 14 cities (Pyongyang, Hamhung, Chongjin, Wonsan, Sariwon, Sinuiju, Kaesong, Kanggye, Haeju, Hyesan, Songrim, Nampo, Kimchaek, and Sinpo) is 15–25 ha with building heights of four to five storeys (Figure 6).
1963年，李孙冠和白万吉发表了《小区规划》，他们综合了关于小区规模的各种讨论。他们认为，为了确保居民的生活条件方便舒适，一所880-1200座的学校和一所350座的幼儿园可以成为微型区的标准规模。根据这些指导原则，一个小区的合适面积为15-20公顷，居民为5000-7000人，比以前的计算方法小50人。不过，一个不足10公顷的小区太小，无法保证居民的方便。降低建筑成本是另一个重要因素。由于铺砌道路、供水、下水道系统和供暖系统的建设成本取决于小区规模，因此必须在这些要求之间找到适当的平衡。51因此，考虑到居民便利、工作条件、交通、城市建设的经济性等要求，根据城市规模和建筑高度，他们得出结论，一个占地15-30公顷、居住5000-10000居民的微型区最适合朝鲜，正如当代朝鲜城市所证明的那样。据统计，14个城市（平壤、咸兴、崇晋、元山、沙里汶、新义州、开城、康吉、海州、惠山、松林、南浦、金泽和新浦）的小区平均面积为15-25公顷，建筑高度为4-5层（图6）。
Building layout and transportation 建筑布局与交通
Just as determining the ideal size of a microdistrict presented challenges, so did determining the layout of its buildings. In approaching this problem, architects had to consider a combination of urbanscape, housing type, structure height, distance between buildings, and transportation. In Kim Jeong- Hui’s Urban Construction, published in 1953, the layout of buildings was heavily influenced by Stalinist- era tenets. Buildings were located on the perimeters of traditional urban blocks (kvartal, or ‘quarters’). According to Kim, this arrangement was convenient for residents, protected the inside of urban blocks from heavy traffic, subordinated individual buildings to the overall composition of the urbanscape, and avoided isolation of buildings.52 This layout dominated the reconstruction plans of North Korean cities in the mid-1950s,53 as shown in the initial layouts of Pyongyang and Hamhung.
正如确定一个微型小区的理想规模面临挑战一样，确定其建筑布局也是如此。在解决这个问题时，建筑师必须考虑城市景观、住宅类型、建筑高度、建筑距离和交通的组合。在金正辉1953年出版的《城市建设》一书中，建筑的布局深受斯大林时代信条的影响。建筑位于传统城市街区（kvartal，或“宿舍”）的周边。据Kim称，这种安排方便了居民，保护了城市街区内部免受交通拥挤的影响，使单个建筑服从城市景观的整体构成，并避免了建筑物的隔离。52这种布局主导了1950年代中期朝鲜城市的重建计划，53如平壤和咸兴的初始布局所示。
However, this approach changed when microdistricts No. 17 and No. 18 in East Pyongyang were planned in 1955. These districts adhered to the perimeter layout of traditional urban blocks with one difference: the new plan left the blocks’ corners open. This layout added to the openness of the blocks’ inner courtyards. The Hamhung housing complexes designed by East German architects in 1955 embodied a similar layout. Open block corners allowed the buildings to have approximately 3.0–3.5-m-wide inner roads that offered access to each household. However, as these roads became longer, they increased the construction costs of microdistricts and created dangers for children.54 Both of these problems conflicted with the original goals of microdistricts.
然而，当1955年平壤东部的第17号和第18号小区被规划时，这种方法发生了变化。这些地区坚持传统城市街区的周边布局，但有一个区别：新的规划让街区的角落保持开放。这种布局增加了街区内院的开放性。1955年由东德建筑师设计的Hamhung住宅群体现了类似的布局。开放式街区转角允许建筑物有大约3.0–3.5米宽的内部道路，为每户提供通道。然而，随着这些道路变得更长，它们增加了微型区的建设成本，并给儿童带来了危险。54这两个问题都与微型区的最初目标相冲突。
From 1958 to 1961, a different layout dominated microdistrict construction. This approach used the ‘Zeilenbau’ style of row housing, which replaced the older style of urban blocks. Microdistrict No. 59 in East Pyongyang shows that although the block perimeter continued to consist of five-storey buildings to create a consistent urbanscape, the inside of the block changed significantly. Unlike the previous layout, in which one courtyard was surrounded by four buildings, the new layout used parallel rows of four-storey apartment buildings aligned along an east–west orientation. This change occurred after the single-corridor-access apartment style (oerangsik) was widely adopted as the standard building plan. The introduction of prefabrication also influenced this new microdistrict layout. All units within microdistrict No. 59 were built according to four standard plans, which simplified the construction process and reduced the time and labour involved.55 However, the high density of long, monotonous, parallel buildings did not lead to harmony in the urban context. The distance between buildings also failed to meet the requirements. The model microdistrict No. 86 in Daetaryeong, microdistrict No. 87 in West Pyongyang, and the 1959 model microdistrict in Hamhung also shared this layout, but they solved these problems by offering variety in building arrangement.
从1958年到1961年，不同的布局主导了微区建设。这种方法使用了“Zeilenbau”风格的排房，取代了旧式的城市街区。平壤东部的第59号微区显示，尽管街区周边仍由五层建筑组成，以形成一致的城市景观，但街区内部发生了重大变化。与以前的布局不同，新的布局使用了平行排列的四层公寓楼，沿东西方向排列，其中一个庭院由四栋建筑包围。这一变化发生在单走廊通道公寓式（oerangsik）被广泛采用为标准建筑平面后。预制的引入也影响了这种新的微区布局。第59号微区内的所有单元均按照四个标准规划进行建造，简化了建造过程，减少了所需的时间和劳动力。55然而，长而单调的平行建筑的高密度并没有带来城市环境的和谐。建筑物之间的距离也不符合要求。大太延86号示范小区、平壤西部87号示范小区和1959年咸兴示范小区也采用了这种布局，但它们通过提供多样的建筑布局解决了这些问题。
Finally, yet another microdistrict layout was introduced between 1961 and 1967, this time using apartment buildings that were 8–12 storeys in height. The 1961 draft of model microdistricts published by the Central Design Institute suggested this new layout.56 Although not used immediately, it was subsequently implemented in model microdistrict No. 74. From this point onward, the practice of surrounding the perimeter of microdistricts with buildings was eliminated.57 Instead, buildings were obliquely aligned in rows. This change resulted from the increasing population density of microdistricts and the construction of high-rise buildings. To break up the monotony of the layouts, North Korean architects aimed to design more open and more diverse urbanscapes. Despite not all rooms having equal sunlight, this layout was more visually appealing. The more open arrangement influenced the inner road systems: street networks changed such that primary living units could be directly accessed only by arterial roads. This arrangement reduced road length, which lowered construction costs and resulted in buildings being situated more freely around primary living units. The 1961 model microdistrict draft consisted of six primary living units, an organic building composition, and inner streets that were directly accessible from the outside of the microdistrict. This design made it possible to build microdistricts on suburban sloped land (Figure 7).58
最后，在1961年至1967年间，又引入了另一种微型小区布局，这次使用的是8-12层高的公寓楼。中央设计院发布的1961年模型小区草案提出了这种新布局。56尽管没有立即使用，但随后在第74号模型小区中实施。从这一点开始，消除了用建筑物包围小区周边的做法。57相反，建筑物成排倾斜排列。这一变化是由于微区人口密度的增加和高层建筑的建造。为了打破单调的布局，朝鲜建筑师们致力于设计更开放、更多样化的城市景观。尽管并非所有房间的日照都相同，但这种布局在视觉上更具吸引力。更开放的布局影响了内部道路系统：街道网络发生了变化，主要生活单元只能通过主干道直接进入。这一安排缩短了道路长度，从而降低了建筑成本，使建筑物更自由地位于主要生活单元周围。1961年的微型区模型草案包括六个主要生活单元、一个有机的建筑组合以及可从微型区外部直接进入的内部街道。这种设计使得在郊区坡地上建造微型小区成为可能（图7）。58
Organization of service networks 服务网络的组织
The organization of service networks in North Korea’s microdistricts changed over time. Among the first service facilities to be planned were commercial networks, the number and size of which were decided based on the distribution and needs of the residents. This decision was announced in Cabinet Decision No. 82 on 16 July 1958, ‘On the improvement of domestic commerce.’59 The Pyongyang Urban Design Institute implemented it on an urban scale. There were two commercial networks: general stores selling industrial products and branch stores selling groceries and everyday necessities. One general store was assigned to every 20,000 people and was situated at a maximum radius of 400 m from housing, thereby resulting in a travel time of no more than 6 min on foot. One branch store was assigned to every 5000 people, situated within a maximum radius of 300 m or a 4– 5-min trip on foot. According to this standard, two branch stores were installed in each 15-ha microdistrict, with one general store in every two microdistricts.60
随着时间的推移，朝鲜微区的服务网络组织发生了变化。首批规划的服务设施包括商业网络，其数量和规模取决于居民的分布和需求。这一决定在1958年7月16日的内阁第82号决定中宣布，“关于改善国内商业”。59平壤城市设计院在城市规模上实施了这一决定。有两个商业网络：销售工业产品的百货商店和销售杂货和日用品的分店。每20000人分配一个普通商店，位于离住房400米的最大半径处，因此步行旅行时间不超过6分钟。每5000人分配一个分店，位于最大半径300米或步行4-5分钟的范围内。根据这一标准，在每个15公顷的小区内安装了两个分店，在每两个小区内安装一个普通商店。60
Another point of contention was whether service facilities were to be located in an independent building or on the ground floor of residential buildings. Planners viewed independent buildings as preferable to the ground floor to allow a more flexible organization of interior space and to ensure that children would be safer. Accordingly, although large facilities were recommended for installationin independent buildings, convenience stores were located on the ground floor of housing units.61 This idea is reflected in microdistrict No. 59 of East Pyongyang, designed in December of 1958. In the case of commercial facilities, although a general store was not included in this microdistrict due to its small size, two branch stores – selling everyday necessities and groceries – were included. These stores were constructed as independent buildings and formed the centre of the microdistrict along with educational facilities, baths, and clothing co-ops, all of which were clustered near schools.62 However, once this plan was in place, some problems were revealed: the school was next to major roads, which made it difficult to guarantee children’s safety, and the centre of this microdistrict was open only on one side and thus did not have an organic relation with the service network.
另一个争论点是，服务设施是位于独立建筑物内还是位于住宅楼的底层。规划者认为独立建筑比一楼更可取，以允许更灵活的内部空间组织，并确保儿童更安全。因此，尽管建议在独立建筑中安装大型设施，但便利店位于住房单元的底层。61这一想法反映在1958年12月设计的东平壤第59小区。就商业设施而言，尽管由于规模较小，该小区不包括一家普通商店，但包括两家分店——销售日常用品和杂货。这些商店是作为独立建筑建造的，与教育设施、浴室和服装合作社一起构成了微型区的中心，所有这些设施都聚集在学校附近。62然而，一旦这一计划到位，一些问题就暴露出来了：学校紧挨着主要道路，这使得儿童的安全很难得到保障，而这个小区的中心只在一侧开放，因此与服务网络没有有机联系。
Implementation of the microdistricts’ service networks also focused on the effective use of women’s labour. In this context, the communal dining room emerged as an important feature of the service facilities. However, calculating its size was not easy because planners had to consider the traditional family system. During the initial development phase, when East German planners were in charge of the site planning of Hamhung housing complexes, they considered family size to be important in their designs.63 Thus, they proposed a variety of unit types to accommodate different- sized families. Families with four to six members accounted for 46.3% of the anticipated microdistrict population, and families with 9 members accounted for over 5%, which indicated that large families were accounted for during early planning. Accordingly, although a communal restaurant was included in the 1955 plan of microdistrict No. 3, it was understood to play an auxiliary role in providing meals to residents. This planning method continued in the model microdistrict designed by the Hamhung Urban Design Institute in February 1959. Two restaurants with a total area of 900 m2 were situated at the centre of the district, located on the ground floor of a building.64
微型区服务网络的实施还注重有效利用妇女劳动力。在此背景下，公共餐厅成为服务设施的一个重要特征。然而，计算其规模并不容易，因为规划者必须考虑传统的家庭系统。在最初的开发阶段，当东德规划师负责Hamhung住宅综合体的场地规划时，他们认为家庭规模在设计中很重要。63因此，他们提出了多种单元类型，以容纳不同规模的家庭。有4至6名成员的家庭占预计小区人口的46.3%，有9名成员的家庭占5%以上，这表明在早期规划期间，大家庭占了比例。因此，尽管1955年第3号小区的规划中包括了一家公共餐厅，但据了解，它在向居民提供膳食方面起着辅助作用。1959年2月，咸兴城市设计院设计的示范小区继续采用这种规划方法。两个总面积为900平方米的餐厅位于该区的中心，位于一栋大楼的底层。64
However, this plan was modified three months later, most notably with regard to the size of the families it would accommodate. In other words, the new plan reduced the habitable area of each household and increased the number of residents such that one-, two-, and three-room apartments were designed to accommodate most families. Thus, large families were divided into single occupants or nuclear families. Therefore, the urbanization of North Korea in the 1950s broke up traditional family culture. Accordingly, the role of the communal dining room in microdistricts increased in importance. Later, two 660 m2 restaurants were built in addition to the first restaurant, which was 1215 m2.65
然而，这项计划在三个月后被修改，最显著的是它将容纳的家庭规模。换言之，新计划减少了每户的可居住面积，增加了居民数量，使得一居室、两居室和三居室公寓的设计能够容纳大多数家庭。因此，大家庭被分为单人家庭或核心家庭。因此，朝鲜在20世纪50年代的城市化打破了传统的家庭文化。因此，微型区公共餐厅的作用越来越重要。后来，除了第一家餐厅1215平方米外，还修建了两家660平方米的餐厅
This tenet continued in subsequent projects. When planning model microdistrict No. 87 of West Pyongyang, the Pyongyang Urban Design Institute added a food factory and a family restaurant to the existing educational and commercial facilities and examined several ways to design them. The food factory processed vegetables and grains, saving labour for households and providing family restaurants with ready-to-use ingredients. One factory would be built at the centre of every microdistrict with 5000–6000 inhabitants. The family restaurant would provide residents with meals, using the ready-to-use ingredients from the factory. North Korean planners expected that 50% of residents would use these restaurants, as families with children and the elderly were expected to use them. Based on this prediction, a family restaurant, located on the ground floor, was included for every two housing buildings.66
In the 1960s, service facilities in a microdistrict tended to be integrated into another building. At the National Builders Congress in April 1961, Nam Il, then vice prime minister and chief of the National Construction Committee, cited Kim Il Sung’s order and announced four crucial decisions in the construction sector.67 These decisions affected the design of service networks in microdistricts. The National Construction Committee established a principle in May 1961 to integrate public buildings that served similar functions.68 It also emphasized the installation of primary residential units around these integrated buildings. This change was channelled into a model microdistrict draft plan published by the Central Design Institute in December 1961, in which the microdistrict had an integrated public building and six primary residential units. The first floor of the primary residential unit was designed to include a family restaurant, a half-finished products store, and rooms for hygiene instructors in the people’s unit; the second floor held the workshops of domestic manufacturers (Figure 8).69
这一原则在随后的项目中得以延续。平壤城市设计院在规划平壤西部87号示范小区时，在现有的教育和商业设施中增加了一家食品厂和一家家庭餐厅，并研究了几种设计方法。食品工厂加工蔬菜和谷物，为家庭节省劳动力，并为家庭餐厅提供现成的配料。将在每个拥有5000-6000居民的小区中心建设一座工厂。这家家庭餐厅将使用工厂提供的即食食材为居民提供膳食。朝鲜规划者预计50%的居民会使用这些餐厅，因为预计有孩子和老人的家庭会使用这些餐厅。根据这一预测，每两栋住宅楼就包括一家位于一楼的家庭餐厅。66
在20世纪60年代，一个微型区的服务设施倾向于整合到另一座建筑中。在1961年4月的全国建筑商大会上，时任副总理兼国家建设委员会主任的南日引用了金日成的命令，并宣布了建筑行业的四项关键决定。67这些决定影响了小区服务网络的设计。1961年5月，国家建设委员会制定了一项原则，以整合具有类似功能的公共建筑。68它还强调在这些综合建筑周围安装初级住宅单元。这一变化被引导到中央设计院于1961年12月发布的示范微型区草图中，其中微型区有一座综合公共建筑和六个主要住宅单元。主要住宅单元的一楼设计包括一个家庭餐厅、一个半成品商店和人民单元内的卫生教员房间；第二层是国内制造商的车间（图8）。69
Residential districts and urban centres 住宅区及市中心
The theory of the microdistrict was soon applied on a larger scale: the residential district (Jutaek Guyeok). The context of this expansion came from the Soviet Union. ‘When the third Party Programme was published, and the XXII Party Congress pointed forth the path to communism in1961, a new driving force was the impending communist future.’70 To foster the proto-communist
微区理论很快在更大范围内得到应用：居住区（Jutaek Guyeok）。这种扩张的背景来自苏联。”当第三党纲领发表，党的第二十二次代表大会在1961年指出了通往共产主义的道路时，一个新的推动力是即将到来的共产主义未来。70年，培育了原共产主义
consciousness of the population, there was a need to supply effective service facilities necessary for everyday life by grouping them in accordance with their frequency of use. The ultimate goal was to realize an ideal socialist city, creating a self-contained community that was clustered within several microdistricts. However, North Korea did not accept the Soviets’ ideological rhetoric, such as a communist future; instead, emphasis was placed on the economy of housing construction.
由于居民的意识，需要提供日常生活所需的有效服务设施，方法是根据其使用频率进行分组。最终目标是实现一个理想的社会主义城市，创建一个独立的社区，聚集在几个小区内。然而，朝鲜不接受苏联的意识形态言论，比如共产主义的未来；相反，重点放在住房建设的经济性上。
This trend was reflected in Nam Il’s speech in 1961, which suggested a wide range of technical innovations for housing units on the urban scale. More precisely, he stressed the following: (1) the hierarchical division among city, county, and ward, considering development potential and regional character; (2) the widespread application of microdistrict planning to reduce the construction costs of infrastructure; and (3) eliminating the existing layout that aligned buildings along streets, thus lowering the costs of urban construction and maintenance.71 The purpose of these measures was to anticipate everything necessary for urban construction and to complete construction projects without waste. Accordingly, urban planners reconsidered existing designs and drew up new plans to reduce construction costs.
这一趋势反映在Nam Il 1961年的演讲中，该演讲建议在城市范围内对住房单元进行广泛的技术创新。更确切地说，他强调了以下几点：（1）城市、县和区之间的等级划分，考虑到发展潜力和区域特征；（2） 广泛应用微区规划，降低基础设施建设成本；（3）消除现有的沿街建筑物布局，从而降低城市建设和维护成本。71这些措施的目的是预测城市建设所需的一切，并在没有浪费的情况下完成建设项目。因此，城市规划者重新考虑了现有的设计，并制定了新的计划来降低建设成本。
Many options were considered to reduce financial waste, and the emergence of the residential district concept was among them. If service networks expanded from microdistricts into larger urban spaces with similar proportions, land and construction funding would be wasted. Thus, service networks began to be designed based on exact calculations of their frequency of use and capacity. In residential districts, service facilities could be classified into three categories: (1) those that were used daily and located in microdistricts, (2) those that were used regularly and located within a 750–1000 m radius of the centre of residential districts, and (3) those that were used by all citizens (Table 3).72
人们考虑了许多减少财政浪费的方案，其中包括住宅区概念的出现。如果服务网络从微型区扩展到比例相似的更大城市空间，土地和建设资金将被浪费。因此，服务网络的设计开始基于对其使用频率和容量的精确计算。在住宅区，服务设施可分为三类：（1）日常使用且位于小区的服务设施，（2）定期使用且位于住宅区中心750–1000米半径范围内的服务设施，以及（3）所有公民使用的服务设施（表3）。72
The population of a residential district varied according to a city’s category. The National Construction Committee classified North Korean cities into five categories based on their geographical、 condition, character, size, and development potential, and distinct building heights and layouts were planned based on these categories.73 Based on this classification, North Korean urban planners defined a residential district to include four to five microdistricts (Figure 9).
居住区的人口因城市类别而异。国家建设委员会根据地理、条件、特征、规模和发展潜力将朝鲜城市分为五类，并根据这些类别规划了不同的建筑高度和布局。73根据这一分类，朝鲜城市规划者将居住区定义为包括四到五个微型区（图9）。
When planners designed the centres of residential districts, they took one of two approaches: a planar solution in which all cultural and living functions as well as light industry factories were concentrated at the centre of residential districts or a linear solution in which all facilities were arranged along arterial streets. North Korean planners who emphasized the relation between streets and service facilities preferred the latter to the former.74 From this time onward, North Korean designers began to consider the relation between streets and service facilities in designing the microdistrict. Economic factors played a major role, as shown in the Hamhung Urban Design Institute’s explanation for its modification of a model microdistrict draft published by the Central Design Institute in December 1961.75 Although the design assumed that one side of the microdistrict must border an arterial city street, the draft did not consider this detail. Thus, the Hamhung Urban Design Institute suggested approaching the planning of microdistricts as a component of the planning of entire cities and suggested organizing service networks based on the hierarchy of roads. If any side of a microdistrict faced an arterial street, regularly used service facilities should be constructed on that side. In this manner, they could create residential districts or urban centres (Figures 10 and 11).
当规划师设计住宅区中心时，他们采取了两种方法之一：一种是平面解决方案，其中所有文化和生活功能以及轻工业工厂都集中在住宅区中心；另一种是线性解决方案，其中所有设施都沿主干道布置。朝鲜规划师强调街道和服务设施之间的关系，后者更倾向于前者。74从这个时候开始，朝鲜设计师开始考虑街道和服务设施之间的关系，在设计微区。正如咸兴城市设计院对中央设计院于1961年12月发布的示范小区草案进行修改的解释所示，经济因素起到了主要作用。75尽管设计假设小区的一侧必须与城市主干道接壤，草案没有考虑这一细节。因此，咸兴市城市设计院建议将小区规划作为整个城市规划的一个组成部分，并建议根据道路等级组织服务网络。如果微区的任何一侧面向主干道，则应在该侧修建定期使用的服务设施。通过这种方式，他们可以创建住宅区或城市中心（图10和图11）。
This urban space theory was implemented in the 1962 plan for Botongbeol of Pyongyang.76 Development of the area around Bonghwa Street began during the Five-Year Plan period. In the first phase, architects constructed five-storey buildings around Bonghwa Street and later expanded the surrounding areas into model microdistricts No. 86 and No. 87. Thus, the four microdistricts in this area formed a residential district. This urban development pattern spread into other cities, such as the Munsu area of East Pyongyang,77 the central area of Nampo city,78 Haeangeori of Wonsan city,79 and the centre of Sinpo city.
这一城市空间理论在1962年的平壤Botongbeol计划中得到了实施。76在五年计划期间，Bonghwa街周围地区的开发开始了。在第一阶段，建筑师们在邦瓦街周围建造了五层楼高的建筑，随后将周边地区扩展为86号和87号示范小区。因此，该区域的四个小区形成了一个居住区。这种城市发展模式扩展到其他城市，如平壤东部的Munsu地区、南浦市的中心地区77个、元山市的Haiangeri 78个、新浦市的中心地区79个。
Conclusion
From the ceasefire of the Korean War in 1953 to the present, North Korea’s urban planning can be divided into three different periods: the first period lasted from 1953 to the mid-1970s, when Kim Jong Il appeared as the inheritor of the founder, Kim Il Sung; the second period lasted from the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s, when a great famine called the Arduous March occurred in North Korea; the third period began in 2000 and runs to the present. The paradigm of urban planning changed completely during each period. The theory of the microdistrict profoundly influenced the formation of urban space in North Korea during the first period, just as it reflected North Korea’s unique social systems.
从1953年朝鲜战争停火到现在，朝鲜的城市规划可以分为三个不同的时期：第一个时期从1953年持续到1970年代中期，当时金正日作为创始人金日成的继承人出现；第二个时期从20世纪70年代中期持续到90年代中期，当时朝鲜发生了一场称为“艰难行军”的大饥荒；第三阶段始于2000年，一直持续到现在。城市规划的范式在每个时期都发生了彻底的变化。微区理论深刻地影响了第一时期朝鲜城市空间的形成，正如它反映了朝鲜独特的社会制度一样。
North Korean urban planners introduced the theory of the microdistrict, studied its multiple aspects, and made it a reality. Although North Korea’s social institutions were not sufficiently established, microdistrict planning manifested them in the physical world by applying diverse design methods and criteria to everyday life. It played a crucial role in determining the size of self-contained urban units and the distribution of service networks in urban spaces. Moreover, the planning of microdistricts contributed to the control of the everyday lives of North Koreans. In particular, because Kim Il Sung’s regime embraced the idea of a Stalinist totalitarian state beginning in the late 1950s, the urban space turned into a matrix of surveillance that eradicated individual privacy. In this way, North Korean urban space functioned as a well-oiled machine that dominated people’s morals and behaviours, thrusting political power and ideology into the most microscopic areas of daily life.
朝鲜城市规划师介绍了微区理论，研究了它的多个方面，并使之成为现实。尽管朝鲜的社会机构还没有充分建立起来，但小区规划通过将不同的设计方法和标准应用到日常生活中，在现实世界中体现了这一点。它在确定自给自足的城市单元的规模和城市空间中服务网络的分布方面发挥了关键作用。此外，小区的规划有助于控制朝鲜人的日常生活。特别是，由于金日成政权从20世纪50年代末开始接受斯大林极权主义国家的理念，城市空间变成了监控矩阵，根除了个人隐私。通过这种方式，朝鲜的城市空间就像一台润滑良好的机器，控制着人们的道德和行为，将政治权力和意识形态推入日常生活的最微观领域。
However, when Kim Jong Il began to engage in official affairs in 1973, he tried to alter the established urban structure by erecting daring monuments. Kim, who did not have the charisma of his father, tried to intervene in architectural and urban projects as part of a test to demonstrate his political capabilities. In the process, emphasis was placed on the visual order of the urban form, which led to abandoning the theory of the microdistrict. Instead, many high-rise towers were constructed to break the visual monotony, and large-scale housing estates beyond the size of microdistricts and residential districts were intensively developed around arterial roads. Nevertheless, the microdistrict theory survived in a more advanced form after the great famine in the mid-1990s. Internally, the planning method of the 1970–80s was scrutinized because it caused serious problems in the extension of road width and the orientation of buildings. Accordingly, Kim Jong Il and North Korean planners searched for a new way to develop the existing microdistrict idea, adding the concepts of environmental conservation and smart cities. Since 2000, several urban projects in North Korean cities have reflected this change.
然而，当金正日1973年开始参与官方事务时，他试图通过修建大胆的纪念碑来改变既定的城市结构。金正恩没有他父亲那样的魅力，他试图干预建筑和城市项目，以此作为证明其政治能力的测试的一部分。在这个过程中，重点放在了城市形态的视觉秩序上，这导致了对微区理论的抛弃。取而代之的是，为了打破视觉上的单调，人们建造了许多高耸的塔楼，并在主干道周围密集开发了超出微型区和住宅区规模的大型住宅区。然而，在20世纪90年代中期的大饥荒之后，微区理论以更先进的形式幸存下来。在内部，1970-80年代的规划方法受到了仔细审查，因为它在道路宽度的延伸和建筑物的方向上造成了严重的问题。因此，金正日和朝鲜的规划者们寻找了一种新的方式来发展现有的微区理念，加入了环境保护和智慧城市的概念。自2000年以来，朝鲜城市的几个城市项目反映了这一变化。
