Introduction
导论
A QUESTION OF RELEVANCE
相关性问题
Why read Hegel? It is a good question, one no Hegel scholar should shirk. After all, the burden of proof lies heavily on his or her shoulders. For Hegel’s texts are not exactly exciting or enticing. Notoriously, they are written in some of the worst prose in the history of philosophy. Their language is dense, obscure and impenetrable. Reading Hegel is often a trying and exhausting experience, the intellectual equivalent of chewing gravel. ‘And for what?’ a prospective student might well ask. To avoid such an ordeal, he or she will be tempted to invoke the maxim of one of Hegel’s old enemies whenever he lost patience with a tiresome book: ‘Life is short!’1
为什么要读黑格尔？这是一个好问题，也是每一位致力于研究黑格尔思想的学者都无法回避的议题。毕竟，证对于黑格尔思想价值的论证重任，沉重地落在了每一位研究者的肩上，因为黑格尔的文本恰好并不令人兴奋或令人着迷。众所周知，它们是以哲学史上某些最糟糕的散文写就的，其语言文约义丰、含混不清、令人费解。阅读黑格尔通常是一种令人厌烦和精疲力竭的经验，类同于在思想中咀嚼碎石。“那为什么要读它呢？”将来的学生可能会这样问。为了避免这种煎熬，每当对一本令人厌倦的书籍失去耐心时，他可能会被诱惑去援引黑格尔一位宿敌的箴言：“生命是短暂的！”1
The question is all the more pressing when we ask what Hegel has to say to us today in our post-modern age. In the beginning of the last century Franz Rosenzweig, one of the greatest Hegel scholars, declared that he lived in an age post Hegel mortuum.2 Rosenzweig’s statement seems as true now as it was then. Our age seems to have outgrown Hegel. We have lost the feeling for religion, ‘the taste for the absolute’, which was the inspiration for Hegel’s metaphysics. After two world wars, the gulags and the Holocaust, we have lost faith in progress, though this faith is the cornerstone of Hegel’s philosophy of history. We live in such a specialized and pluralistic age that no one expects to see the restoration of wholeness, the recovery of unity with ourselves, others and nature; but these were the grand ideals behind Hegel’s philosophy. When we consider all these points it seems we have no choice but to accept Rosenzweig’s verdict. Hegel, it seems, has little to say to our age, which has moved beyond him. So the question is all the more imperative: Why read Hegel?
当我们问在后现代的今天黑格尔对我们有什么可说时，这个问题会变得更加紧迫。上个世纪初，弗朗兹·罗森茨威格，最伟大的黑格尔学者之一，宣称他生活在后黑格尔尸骸的（post Hegel mortuum）时代。2今天看来，罗森茨威格的说法和那时同样真实。看起来黑格尔已经不适用于我们的时代了，我们已经丧失那种宗教感，“对绝对的体味”——而这正是黑格尔形而上学的灵感之所在。经历过两次世界大战，经历过古拉格群岛事件和种族大屠杀（the gulags and the Holocaust），我们已经丧失了对进步的信仰，然而这一信仰正是黑格尔历史哲学的奠基石。我们生活在一个如此专业化和多元性的时代，以至于没人期望看到整全的复位，以及我们、他人和自然的统一性的恢复；但这些恰恰是黑格尔哲学背后的宏伟理想。如果考虑到所有这些要素，我们似乎别无选择，只能同意罗森茨威格的判断。看起来，黑格尔对于我们的时代所说甚少，时代已经超越了他。因此，愈益迫切的问题是：为什么要读黑格尔？
Part of the answer, of course, is that even if Hegel is dead, he was still enormously influential, so much so that he is still deeply interwoven into our culture today. If we are to understand that culture, we have to comprehend its origins, which means that, eventually but inevitably, we have to come to terms with Hegel. It is a remarkable fact that virtually every major philosophical movement of the twentieth century – existentialism, Marxism, pragmatism, phenomenology and analytic philosophy – grew out of reaction against Hegel. The concepts, arguments and problems of these movements will remain forever alien and arcane to us until we understand what they grew out of and what they reacted against. So here we have at least one good reason to read Hegel: to understand the roots of our own culture.
当然，问题的答案部分在于，虽然黑格尔已经过世，但是他仍然有着巨大影响，以至于今天他与我们的文化深深缠绕在一起。如果要理解这种文化，我们必须了解它的各个源头，这意味着，我们最终不可避免地要与黑格尔取得和解。一个引人注目的事实是，20世纪每一种主要的哲学运动——存在主义、马克思主义、实用主义、现象学和分析哲学——实际上都脱胎于对黑格尔理论的反动。对我们来说，这些运动中的概念、论证和问题将始终是外在和神秘的，直到我们理解它们脱胎于什么和对什么作出回应。因此，我们至少有了一个很好的理由去阅读黑格尔：为了理解我们自己文化的根基。
We might well question, however, whether Hegel is really that dead after all. In some respects he is more alive than ever. Since the Hegel renaissance of the 1970s, Hegel has become an established figure in the history of philosophy. The dissertations, books and articles on every aspect of his philosopy have increased exponentially since then. It is a striking fact that Hegel’s star seems to be steadily rising just as those of his most vocal critics (e.g. Popper and Russell) have been steadily sinking. The reason for the Hegel renaissance lies to some degree in an overdue recognition of Hegel’s historical importance. Many of those who studied Hegel did so to uncover the roots of Marxism, which had a great flowering in the 1960s. But there were then, as there are now, more philosophical reasons for Hegel’s revival. In the 1970s and 1980s Hegel became, at least in the Anglophone world, the rallying figure for the reaction against analytic philosophy. To study Hegel was to protest against the narrow scholasticism of analytic philosophy and to embrace ‘continental philosophy’. Ironically, Hegel was as important for the philosophical counterculture of the 1970s and 1980s as he was for the cultural mainstream in late nineteenth-century England and America.
然而，我们也完全可以问，黑格尔究竟是否真的死去了。从某些方面来说，他比过去任何时候都更加鲜活。自从20世纪70年代黑格尔复兴以来，他已经成为哲学史上一位地位稳固的人物。自那以后，关于黑格尔哲学各个方面的博士论文、著作和论文成倍地增长。一个惊人的事实是，正当他的最直言不讳的批评者之星（如波普尔和罗素）地位不断下沉的时候，黑格尔这颗星星似乎在冉冉上升。在某种程度上，黑格尔复兴的原因在于对黑格尔历史重要性的姗姗来迟的承认。许多黑格尔研究者这么做是为了揭示马克思主义的根源，这种做法在20世纪60年代繁盛一时。但是，对黑格尔的复兴来说，那时和今天一样，有更多的哲学上的原因。20世纪70和80年代，至少在英语世界，黑格尔成为一个反拨分析哲学的号召性人物。研究黑格尔就是抗议分析哲学狭隘的经院主义和拥抱“大陆哲学”。具有讽刺意味的是，黑格尔对于20世纪70和80年代的哲学反文化，和对19世纪晚期英美的文化主流一样重要。
Nowadays the cultural war between continental and analytic philosophy has lost much of its original meaning. But it is striking that the interest in Hegel remains as strong as ever. Hegel has now been adopted by some prominent philosophers in the analytic tradition, who study him not for historical but philosophical reasons.3 They recognize they share some of the same problems as Hegel, and that he has something interesting to say about them. How is it possible to avoid the extremes of conventionalism and foundationalism in epistemology? How is it possible to combine realism with a social epistemology? How is it possible to synthesize the freedoms of liberalism with the ideals of community? How is it possible to adopt the insights of historicism and not lapse into relativism? How is it possible to avoid dualism and materialism in the philosophy of mind? All these questions are very much on the contemporary agenda; but they were crucial issues for Hegel too. It is no accident that many philosophers now see Hegel as the chief antidote and alternative to many outworn and problematic positions, such as Cartesian subjectivism, naive realism, extreme liberalism and mental-physical dualism, or reductivist materialism. So here is another reason for reading Hegel: he still remains, despite his damnable obscurity, an interesting interlocuter to contemporary philosophical discussions.
如今，大陆哲学和分析哲学之间文化战争的许多原初意义已经丧失殆尽。但引人注目的是，对黑格尔的兴趣依然强劲。黑格尔现在也为分析哲学传统中一些杰出的哲学家所吸收，他们出于哲学而非历史的原因研究黑格尔。3他们意识到自己和黑格尔分享同样一些问题，并且黑格尔就这些问题有一些有趣的论述。是否可能避免认识论上传统主义和基础主义的极端？是否可能将实在论和社会认识论结合起来？是否可能把自由主义的自由和共同体的理想综合起来？是否可能吸收历史主义的洞见而又不陷入相对主义？是否可能避免心灵哲学中的二元论和唯物主义？所有这些问题都和当代议程极为相关，而它们对黑格尔来说也是至关重要的议题。绝非偶然的是，现在许多哲学家都把黑格尔视为很多陈腐的和成问题的立场的首要解毒剂与替代物，这些立场包括笛卡尔主观主义、朴素实在论、极端自由主义和身心二元论，或者还原论的唯物主义等。因此，在这里，有了阅读黑格尔的另一个理由：撇开他该死的晦涩难懂，黑格尔对当代哲学讨论而言仍然是一个有趣的对话伙伴。
A QUESTION OF METHOD
方法问题
Assuming that we should read Hegel, the question remains how we should do so. There are two possible approaches. We can treat him as if he were a virtual contemporary, as a participant in present conversations. In that case we could analyze his arguments and clarify his ideas to show how they are relevant to our contemporary concerns. Or, we can treat him as an historical figure, as a contributor to past conversations. In this case we study him in his historical context, trace the development of his doctrines, and attempt to reconstruct him in his historical integrity and individuality. The first approach has been characteristic of many recent analytic interpretations of Hegel; the second approach has been characteristic of many older hermeneutical studies, especially the work of Rudolf Haym, Wilhelm Dilthey and Theodor Haering.
假定我们应当阅读黑格尔，那么剩下的问题是我们应当如何去阅读。这里存在两种可能的路径。我们可以把他当作一个虚拟的同时代人、一个当前对话的参与者来对待。在这种情况下，我们能够分析他的论证和澄清他的观念，以表明它们如何与我们的当代关切相关联。或者，我们可以把他当作一个历史人物、一个过去对话的贡献者来对待。在这种情况下，我们在其历史语境中研究他，追踪他的学说的发展，并努力在其历史的完整性和个体性方面重构他。最近许多对黑格尔的分析性阐释带有第一条路径的特点；更早的许多解释学的研究，特别是鲁道夫·海谋（Rudolf Haym）、威廉·狄尔泰（Wilhelm Dilthey）和西奥多·海林（Theodor Haering）等人的著作，带有第二条路径的特点。
Both approaches have their rewards and pitfalls. The danger of the analytic approach is anachronism. We make Hegel alive and relevant, a useful contributor to our concerns; but that is only because we put our views into his mouth. What we learn from Hegel is then only what we have read into him. With good reason this approach has been caricatured as ‘the ventriloquist’s conception of the history of philosophy’.4 On the other hand, the trouble with the hermeneutical approach is antiquarianism. Although we are more likely to concern ourselves with the philosophy of a real historical being, it is of less interest and relevance to us because his ideas and problems are so specific to his age. What we are left with, it seems, is like an historical portrait from a museum.
两种路径都有得有失。分析的路径的危险是时代错置（anachronism）。我们让黑格尔变得鲜活和有相关性，变成一个对我们的关切有益的贡献者；但那仅仅是因为我们借他之口说出了我们自己的观点。因而，我们从黑格尔那学到的仅仅是我们读进其中去的东西。这种路径已经被人以充分的理由漫画化为“腹语者的哲学史思想”（the ventriloquist's conception of the history of philosophy）表现出来。4另一方面，解释学路径的困难是好古成癖（antiquarianism）。尽管更有可能的是，我们关心的是作为一种真正的历史存在的哲学，但是我们对它兴味索然，而它与我们的相关性也程度更低，因为他的观念和问题是如此特殊，只属于他的时代。看起来我们能够得到的，就像是博物馆里的一幅历史肖像画。
So how do we avoid both anachronism and antiquarianism? This is the eternal dilemma of all history of philosophy. We could attempt an eclectic strategy. We could take the analytic approach and be careful not to confuse our contemporary reconstruction with historical reality; or we could take the hermeneutical approach and be selective about those aspects of the historical Hegel that are relevant to our contemporary concerns. But, either way, we seem to compromise what is of value in each approach. For, unfortunately, there is a discrepancy between the real historical Hegel and the contemporary relevant Hegel. The more we make Hegel relevant to our contemporary concerns, the less he will be like the real historical thinker; and the more we reconstitute Hegel in his historical individuality, the less he will be relevant to our contemporary concerns. In any case, an eclectic strategy approach is easier to devise than execute. For who among the analytic interpreters has a precise historical knowledge of Hegel, so that he or she knows how to avoid anachronism? And who among the hermentical interpreters has a thorough knowledge of contemporary philosophy, so that he or she can escape antiquarianism? Alas, what we know about Hegel is the result of our method; it is not as if we can choose the right method based on what we already know.
那么，我们如何能既避免时代错置又避免好古成癖呢？这是所有哲学史的永恒困境。我们可以尝试一种折衷的策略。我们可以采用分析的路径，而小心不要将我们的当代重构与历史实在混淆起来；或者，我们可以采用解释学的路径，而选取历史的黑格尔中那些与我们的当代关切相关的方面。但是，无论如何，我们似乎承诺了每一种路径都有其价值。因为很遗憾，在真正历史的黑格尔和与当代相关的黑格尔之间有差异。我们越是让黑格尔与我们的当代关切有相关性，他与真正历史的思想家的距离就越远；我们越是在其历史的个体性中重建黑格尔，他与我们的当代关切的相关性就越少。不管怎样，折衷的路径是想想容易做起来难。由于分析的阐释者对黑格尔具有精确的历史知识，因此他知道如何避免时代错置？而解释学的阐释者对当代哲学有很好的了解，因此他能够避免好古癖？唉，其实我们对黑格尔的所知不过是我们方法的结果；而并非好像我们可以在已有知识的基础上选择正确的方法似的。
In the face of this predicament the philosophical historian has to make his or her choice. There can be pragmatic reasons for a decision, but there is no right or wrong when each method has its strengths and weaknesses. Contrary to the current preference for the analytic approach, the present study adopts the older hermeneutical method. It does so for two reasons. First, many recent analytic studies of Hegel have lapsed into anachronism, and indeed to such an excessive degree that their reconstructed relevant Hegel has virtually no resemblance to the actual historical Hegel. Rather than frankly admitting the distance between these Hegels, they virtually confuse the two, as if the real Hegel were the analytic thinker of their dreams. Second, contemporary Hegel scholars, especially those in the Anglophone tradition, have failed to individuate Hegel. They assume that certain ideas are characteristic of Hegel that were really commonplaces of an entire generation. We are told that Hegel’s absolute idealism, his attempt to wed communitarianism and liberalism, to synthesize Spinoza’s naturalism and Fichte’s idealism, were original and unique to him; but these projects were really part of the legacy of early romanticism. If, however, we cannot individuate Hegel – if we cannot state precisely how his views differ from some of his major contemporaries – can we be said to understand him? Especially when these differences were often so crucial to him?
面对这一困境，哲学史家必须做出他的选择。可能会有一些供做决定的实用理由，但当每一种方法都各有长短时就无所谓对错。与流行的对分析路径的偏好不同，当前的研究采取更早的解释学的方法。这么做有两个理由。首先，最近对黑格尔的许多分析性研究已经失足于时代错置，并且确实到了非常过分的程度，以至于他们重构的相关的黑格尔实际上已经与历史上真实的黑格尔毫无相似之处。事实上，他们把这两种黑格尔混淆在一起，而不肯坦率承认二者之间的差距，仿佛真正的黑格尔本来就是他们理想中的分析的思想家。其次，当代的黑格尔学者，尤其是英语传统中的那些人，已经无法将黑格尔个性化。他们假定某些观念是黑格尔特有的，而实际上不过是整个时代的老生常谈。他们告诉我们，绝对唯心主义是黑格尔的原创和独一无二之处，他试图嫁接社群主义和自由主义，试图综合斯宾诺莎的自然主义和费希特的唯心主义；但这些规划实际上是早期浪漫主义遗产的一部分。然而，如果我们不能个性化黑格尔——如果我们不能精确地陈述他的观点如何不同于他主要的同时代人——我们能称得上理解他了吗？尤其是当这些不同对他来说通常是如此至关重要之时？
The most pressing need of Hegel scholarship today is to individuate him, to determine what was his precise relation to his contemporaries. This need will become more apparent when scholars recognize the full import of the latest research on early romanticism. This research, undertaken by Dieter Henrich, Manfred Frank, Violetta Waibel, Michael Franz, Marcelo Stamm, and many others in Germany, has greatly illuminated the philosophical depths of early romanticism. Until we can situate Hegel within that movement – showing precisely what he inherits from it and where he takes issue with it – we cannot claim to have an adequate understanding of his philosophy.
个性化黑格尔，确定他和他的同时代人之间的精确联系，是今天黑格尔学者最紧迫的需要。如果学者们认识到晚近有关早期浪漫主义研究的充分意义，这种需要会变得更为明显。迪特·亨利希（Dieter Henrich）、曼弗雷德·弗兰克（Manfred Frank）、维奥莱塔·魏贝尔（Violetta Waibel）、米夏埃尔·弗朗兹（Michael Franz）、马塞洛·斯塔姆（Marcelo Stamm）以及其他许多德国人承担的这一研究，已经极大地阐明了早期浪漫主义的哲学道路。直到我们能够在这一运动中定位黑格尔——精确地展示他从中继承了什么，以及在什么地方又持有异议——我们才能宣称对他的哲学有一种充分的理解。
The anachronism of analytic studies is especially apparent from the many recent non-metaphysical interpretations of Hegel. These studies attempt to rehabilitate Hegel – to make him viable in the light of contemporary concerns – by reading the metaphysics out of his philosophy. If Hegel were a metaphysician, these scholars argue, then his philosophy would be doomed to obsolescence. Hence Hegel’s philosophy has been read as virtually everything but a metaphysics: as a theory of categories, as social epistemology, as neo-Kantian idealism, as cultural history, and as protohermeuneutics. What all these studies have in common is the belief that Hegel’s philosophy is in its essential purport or spirit nonmetaphysics. This can mean either of two things: that his metaphysics is irreducible but unimportant, so that the rest of his philosophy can be perfectly understood without it; or that his metaphysics, when properly understood, is really reducible to a theory of categories, social epistemology, neo-Kantian idealism, and so on. No one would have protested more stridently against such interpretations, however, than Hegel himself, who regarded metaphysics as the foundation of philosophy, and as the basis of each part of his system. To understand Hegel in his individuality and integrity demands first and foremost restoring metaphysics to its central role in his thinking. For this reason virtually every chapter of this study will stress how metaphysics is fundamental to each part of Hegel’s system. We shall find that metaphysics plays a pivotal role in Hegel’s social and political philosophy, his philosophy of history and aesthetics.
分析的研究的时代错置，特别明显地体现在最近许多对黑格尔的非形而上学的阐释中。这些研究试图改造黑格尔——依据当代关切使他变得切实可行——通过将形而上学读出他的哲学。这些学者主张，如果黑格尔是个形而上学家，那么他的哲学就注定是过时的。因此，事实上，黑格尔哲学已然被解读为形而上学之外的任何东西：作为一种范畴理论、作为社会认识论、作为新康德主义的观念论、作为文化史学，以及作为最初的解释学。所有这些研究的共同之处在于，相信黑格尔哲学就其根本的主旨或精神而言是非形而上学的。这可能意味着两种情况中的一种：或者，黑格尔的形而上学是不可化约但不重要的，因此撇开它，黑格尔哲学的其他方面可以得到充分的理解；或者，黑格尔的形而上学在得到恰当的理解时，可以被化约为一种范畴理论、社会认识论、新康德主义的观念论，如此等等。然而，没有人会比黑格尔自己更尖声地抗议这种阐释。在黑格尔看来，形而上学是哲学的基础，是他体系的每一部分的地基。为了在其个体性和整全性中理解黑格尔，首先和首要的是恢复形而上学在他的思想中的核心作用。出于这一原因，实际上本书的每个章节都将强调形而上学对黑格尔体系的各个部分是多么根本。我们将发现，形而上学在黑格尔的社会和政治哲学、在他的历史哲学和美学中发挥着中枢性的作用。
Those who advocate non-metaphysical interpretations might protest that to read the metaphysics back into Hegel is to make him obsolete to our own non-metaphysical age. It is precisely here, however, that Hegel challenges us to rethink our own philosophical presuppositions and values. For most of the contemporary objections against Hegel’s metaphysics, it must be said, simply beg the question against him, coming from perspectives that he had already questioned. In Hegel’s view, any form of positivism about metaphysics was simply bad philosophy because it involved, but failed to reflect upon, a metaphysics of its own. Rather than helping to combat such positivism, contemporary Hegel scholarship has simply bowed to it, betraying one of the most valuable aspects of Hegel’s legacy.
倡导非形而上学阐释的人们可能会抗议说，将形而上学读回进黑格尔就是使他对我们自己的非形而上学时代来说变得过时。然而，正是在这里，黑格尔对我们提出了重新思考我们自己的哲学预设和价值的挑战。必须要说的是，黑格尔形而上学的大多数当代反对者，仅仅是想当然地从黑格尔已经质疑过的视角来反对他。在黑格尔看来，关于形而上学的任何形式的实证主义绝对是坏哲学，因为它牵涉一种关于自身的形而上学却无能对之加以反思。当代的黑格尔学术不是帮助和这种实证主义作战，而简直是向它卑躬屈膝，背叛了黑格尔遗产中最有价值的方面之一。
BRIEF BIOGRAPHY
略传
In 1844 Karl Rosenkranz, Hegel’s first biographer, wrote that ‘The history of a philosopher is the history of his thinking, the history of the formation of his system’.5 Rosenkranz claimed that this maxim was especially true of Hegel. His life was the story of his academic career. Hegel did not have the love affair of an Abelard, the political intrigues of a Bacon, the religious dramas of a Spinoza. Some biographers would question Rosenkranz’s dictum, which does seem drastically reductionist. A close examination of Hegel’s life shows that it too had its own personal dramas and scandals, such as bouts of melancholy, an illegitimate son by his Putzfrau, a desperate struggle to earn a living. Still, Rosenkranz had a point. For Hegel himself gave little importance to his own individuality and he defined himself by his devotion to philosophy. No doubt, his passions and obsessions would fill a volume the size of Rousseau’s Confessions. But the problem is that Hegel himself did not regard them as noteworthy. True to Rosenkranz’s dictum, Hegel’s life divides rather neatly, with a few lapses and aberrations, into the stages of an academic career.
卡尔·罗森克兰茨（Karl Rosenkranz），黑格尔第一个传记作家，在1844年写道：“哲学家的历史就是他的思想的历史，就是其体系形成的历史。”5罗森克兰茨宣称这一格言尤其适合于黑格尔。他的生平就是他学术生涯的故事。黑格尔没有阿伯拉尔（Abelard）式的恋爱事件，没有培根（Bacon）式的政治阴谋，没有斯宾诺莎（Spinoza）式的宗教戏剧。有些传记作家大概会质疑罗森克兰茨的格言，它似乎是彻底还原论的。对黑格尔生活的进一步考察表明，黑格尔也有自己的私人戏剧和丑闻，诸如忧郁的侵袭、与女佣（Putzfrau）的私生子，以及为赚取生活费所做的绝望斗争等等。然而，罗森克兰茨还是有道理的。因为黑格尔本人很少看重他自己的个体性，而是通过对哲学的献身来定义自己。毋庸置疑，他的激情和困扰也能填满卢梭《忏悔录》那样大小的一卷。但问题是黑格尔本人认为它们不值一提。忠实于罗森克兰茨的格言，除了少数失误和畸变之外，黑格尔的生活可以相当整齐地划分为整个学术生涯的各个阶段。
1 Stuttgart (August 1770–September 1788)
1 斯图加特（1770年8月至1788年九月）
Hegel was born in Stuttgart on 27 August 1770, the eldest son of a middle-class family. His father was a minor civil servant in the Duchy of Württemberg. The duchy was a Protestant enclave surrounded by Catholic territories. Several generations of Hegels had been ministers in the Protestant Church, and Hegel’s mother, who died when he was only 11, probably envisaged a career in the clergy for her son. From his earliest years Hegel developed a strong sense of his religious identity. Though he did not become an orthodox Lutheran in belief or habit, his Protestant heritage is still fundamental for understanding his thought. He embraced some of its basic values, imbibed some of its intellectual traditions.6
1770年8月27日，黑格尔出生于斯图加特，是一个中产阶级的长子。父亲是符腾堡公国的一位小公务员。这个公国是被天主教领土包围着的一块新教飞地。黑格尔家几代人都做过新教教堂的牧师，黑格尔的母亲——在他年仅11岁时过世——可能也设想过他儿子担任神职人员。黑格尔早年就产生了一种强烈的宗教认同感。尽管他在信仰和习性上没有成为正统的路德教徒，但他所承继的新教遗产仍旧是理解他思想的基础。他拥抱新教的某些基本价值，并从其知识传统中吸取养料。6
After receiving his first Latin lessons from his mother, Hegel attended a Latin school from the ages of 5 to 7. He was then sent to the Gymnasium illustre in Stuttgart, which he attended for the next eleven years (1777–88). Rosenkranz astutely summarizes his education there by saying that it ‘belonged entirely to the Enlightenment with respect to principle, and entirely to classical antiquity with respect to curriculum’.7 Hegel’s teachers imparted to him the values of the Enlightenment; and the curriculum consisted mainly in the Greek and Latin classics. His education was governed by the belief that classical Greece and Rome are the highest models of civilization.8 This belief would sometimes clash with Hegel’s Protestant education, leaving him, as so many before him, with the perennial problem of reconciling Christianity with ancient paganism.
从他母亲那里接受了最初的拉丁文教育之后，黑格尔在5到7岁时进入了一所拉丁语学校。然后，他被送到著名的斯图加特文科学校，在那里接受了十一年（1777-1788）的教育。罗森克兰茨以下面的话机敏地概括了黑格尔的这段教育经历：它“就原则而言完全属于启蒙，就课程设置而言完全属于古典”。7黑格尔的老师们灌输给他启蒙的价值观；而课程设置主要包括希腊文和拉丁文的经典。他所受的教育是在这样一种信念的支配下展开的：古希腊和罗马是文明的最高典范。8这一信念有时可能与黑格尔的新教教育相冲突，使他像他之前的许多人一样，面对长期以来在基督教与古代异教信仰之间取得和解的问题。
2 Tübingen (October 1788–October 1793)
2 图宾根（1788年10至1793年10月）
After graduating from the Gymnasium, Hegel went to the Tübinger Stift, a seminary to train Protestant clerics for the Duchy of Württemberg. It is a commonplace that Hegel’s training in the Stift biassed him toward religion and made him a covert theologian; but the evidence does not support this: Hegel never intended to be a minister, and he had a profound distaste for the study of orthodox theology.9 He probably entered the Stift only because it allowed him to receive his education at state expense. Like many of his fellow students, Hegel had a deep aversion to the basic values of the Stift, which seemed to represent all the vices of the ancien régime: religious orthodoxy, princely despotism and aristocratic nepotism.10 He was highly critical of the reactionary theology of some of his professors, who attempted to use Kant’s doctrine of practical faith to buttress traditional dogmas.
从文科中学毕业之后，黑格尔进入了图宾根神学院，一个为符腾堡公国培养新教牧师的神学院。通常认为黑格尔在神学院接受的训练使他偏向于宗教并成为一个潜在的神学家；但上述看法缺乏证据支持：黑格尔从来没有打算成为一名牧师，并且对学习正统神学怀有很深的厌恶。9他进入神学院很可能仅仅是因为可以让他接受公费的教育。和他的许多同学一样，黑格尔十分反感神学院的基本价值观，它似乎代表了旧制度（the ancien régime）的所有罪恶：宗教正统、王权专制，贵族裙带关系。10他尖锐批判了他的某些教授的反动神学，他们试图运用康德关于实践信仰的学说来支持传统信条。
Although Hegel was not happy at the Stift, he formed two friendships there that were to have the greatest importance for himself, and indeed the history of German philosophy. In autumn 1788 he met Friedrich Hölderlin, who became one of Germany’s greatest lyric poets; and in the autumn of 1790 he met Schelling, who became one of Germany’s leading philosophers and later Hegel’s rival. In the Stift the three became close friends, and for a while even shared a room together. Schelling and Hölderlin, who were more advanced in their philosophical education than Hegel, soon became important influences upon him.
尽管黑格尔在神学院并不开心，但在那里他与两个人结下了友谊。这一点对他自己，并且实际上对德国哲学史都极为重要。1788年秋，他遇见了弗里德里希·荷尔德林（Friedrich Hölderlin），此人日后成为德国最伟大的抒情诗人之一；1790年秋，他遇见了谢林，此人日后成为德国最杰出的哲学家之一，后来成了黑格尔的竞争对手。在神学院，他们三个人成为密友，有段时间甚至共处一室。谢林和荷尔德林在哲学教育方面领先于黑格尔，很快对他产生了重要影响。
For the first two years in the Stift, Hegel studied for the degree of Magister. His courses for this degree were mainly philosophical, and included logic, metaphysics, moral philosophy, natural law, ontology and cosmology.11 In his second term, the Summer Semester of 1789, Hegel took a course on empirical psychology, in which he studied for the first time Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason.12 For the next three years Hegel had to qualify for the ministry, and so his curriculum became essentially theological. He had to take courses on ecclesiastical history, dogmatics, moral theology and the gospels.13 Apart from the official curriculum, Hegel read, on his own or with friends, some of the latest philosophical literature. He read Plato, Schiller, F.H. Jacobi, Rousseau and Voltaire. His favorite author was Rousseau. Though Hegel had already read Kant, it is noteworthy that he did not join a club to discuss his ideas. It was probably due to the influence of Schelling and Hölderlin that he later came to appreciate fully the import of Kant’s philosophy.14
在神学院的头两年，黑格尔攻读硕士（Magister）学位。所修学位课程主要是哲学的，其中包括逻辑学、形而上学、道德哲学、自然法、存在论和宇宙论等。11在第二学期，亦即1789年夏季学期，黑格尔选了一门经验心理学的课程，从中首次学习了康德的《纯粹理性批判》。12接下来的三年，黑格尔必须取得担任牧师的资格，因此他的课程安排变成以神学为核心了。他必须选择一些有关教会史、教义学、道德神学和福音书的课程。13除了正式的课程之外，黑格尔独自或与朋友一道阅读了一些最新的哲学文献。他读过柏拉图、席勒、F. H.耶可比、卢梭和伏尔泰。他最喜欢的作家是卢梭。尽管黑格尔已经读过康德，但值得一提的是，他并没有参加任何一个讨论康德思想的读书会。他后来充分理解康德哲学的重要，或许是由于谢林和荷尔德林的影响。14
The most important event of the Tübingen years was the French
Revolution. Hegel, Schelling and Hölderlin celebrated the events
across the Rhine as the dawn of a new era. They read French
newspapers, sang the Marseillaise, and formed a political club to discuss the events and read revolutionary literature. According to
legend, on one fine Sunday morning in 1790 Hegel, Schelling and
Hölderlin went out to a meadow in Tübingen and planted a liberty
tree. While this story is probably false, it at least represents what the
three would have liked to have done. Hegel was known as one of
the most ardent spokesmen for liberty and equality in the Stift.15 His
sympathy for the Revolution lasted his entire life. Even in his final
years he toasted Bastille Day, admired Napoleon, and condemned
the Restoration.
在图宾根时期，发生的最重要的事件是法国革命。这一事件传到莱茵，黑格尔、谢林和荷尔德林把它当作新时代的曙光来庆贺。他们读法文报纸，唱马赛曲（the Marseillaise），还组织了一个政治俱乐部讨论这一事件和阅读革命文献。据传1790年一个晴朗的星期天早晨，黑格尔、谢林和荷尔德林来到图宾根城外草地种下了一颗自由树。尽管这个故事可能是杜撰的，但它至少反映出这三个人本来愿意去做的事情。黑格尔作为自由、和平等理想最为热烈的代言人之一而闻名于神学院。15对革命的同情贯穿了黑格尔整个一生。甚至在晚年，他还为攻占巴士底狱纪念日干杯，尊崇拿破仑，而谴责复辟。
The surviving writings of the Tübingen period are only four sermons and several short fragments.16 Of these fragments the largest and most important is the so-called Tübingen Essay, the fragment ‘Religion ist eine der wichtigsten Angelegenheiten . . .’.17 This fragment sets the agenda for much of Hegel’s early development. True to his republican politics, Hegel’s main concern is to outline a civic religion. In the republican tradition of Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Rousseau, Hegel believed that the chief source of republican virtue and patriotism came from religion.
黑格尔图宾根时期幸存下来的著作，仅仅是四份布道文和若干简短的残篇。16残篇中篇幅最大和最重要的是所谓《图宾根论文》（Tübingen Essay），亦即残篇《宗教是头等大事……》。17这份残篇为黑格尔早期发展的许多方面设定了范围。黑格尔忠实于其共和政治理想，主要关心的是勾勒出公民宗教的轮廓。从马基雅维里、孟德斯鸠与卢梭的共和政治传统出发，黑格尔相信共和政体的美德与爱国精神的首要源泉来自宗教。
3 Berne (October 1793–December 1796)
3 伯尔尼（1793年10月至1796年12月）
After passing his Konsistorialexamen in September 1793, Hegel got a job as a Hofmeister, a private tutor, to the Berne patrician family of Hauptmann Friedrich von Steiger. Although the job left him free time to pursue his own studies, Hegel felt lonely and isolated in Berne. He wished to be with Hölderlin and Schelling, closer to the exciting intellectual activity now taking place in Weimar and Jena.
1793年9月通过教会考试（Konsistorialexamen）之后，黑格尔在伯尔尼找到一份工作——在霍普特曼·弗里德里希·冯·施泰格尔（Hauptmann Friedrich von Steiger）这个贵族家庭当私人教师（Hofmeister）。尽管这份工作给了他从事自己的研究的空余时间，但黑格尔在伯尔尼感到孤独和寂寞。他希望与荷尔德林和谢林待在一起，离正在发生令人兴奋的思想活动的魏玛和耶拿更近一些。
In Berne Hegel read a lot, wrote much, but published nothing. Still, he had hopes for a literary career. Like many young men of literary ambition in the 1790s, he saw himself as a Volkslehrer, a teacher of the people, in the tradition of the Aufklärung or German Enlightenment. His aim was to enlighten the public, to fight superstition, oppression and despotism. There was a political objective behind such an education: to prepare people for the high civic ideals of a republic. True to the ideal of a Volkslehrer Hegel explicitly and self-consciously forswore the goal of becoming a professional philosopher, a Doktor der Weltweisheit at a university. He wanted to popularize and apply the principles of Kant’s philosophy, not investigate their foundations.
在伯尔尼，黑格尔勤于阅读，勤于写作，但什么著作也没出版。他还对文学生涯充满期待。像18世纪90年代许多怀抱文学雄心的青年一样，黑格尔依照德国的启蒙（Aufklärung）传统把自己看作是“人民导师”（Volkslehrer）。他的目标是启迪民众，与迷信、压迫和专制作斗争。民众教育背后的政治目标是：为建立一个共和国的远大公民理想准备民众基础。忠实于“人民教师”的理想，黑格尔明确和自觉地放弃了在大学里成为一位职业哲学家、一位世界智慧博士（Doktor der Weltweisheit）的目标。他想推广和运用康德哲学的各种原则，而不是去审查它们的基础。
True to his ideal, Hegel continued to occupy himself with his project for a civil religion. This concern is most evident in a series of sketches known as the Berne Fragments.18 These fragments are notable for their many sharp criticisms of orthodox Christianity. Hegel’s search for a civil religion eventually led him to write the one complete fragment of his early years, his 1795 Life of Jesus.
忠实于他的理想，黑格尔继续投身于他公民宗教的规划。这一关切最明显地表现在以《伯尔尼残篇》闻名的系列草稿中。18这些残篇之所以引人注目，是因为其中包含对正统基督教的许多尖锐批评。黑格尔对公民宗教的探寻，最终引导他写下了早年一部较为完整的残篇，1795年的《耶稣传》。
Hegel’s main writing during the Berne years, a work constantly revised but never finished, was his so-called Positivity Essay.19 The main aim of this essay is to explain how Christianity, whose gospel consists in moral autonomy, degenerated into a positive religion, i.e. a religion commanded by civil authority. To answer this question, Hegel delves into the fundamental issue of alienation, of why people abandon their own freedom. His analysis of this issue anticipates Feuerbach and Marx, and his later account of the ‘Unhappy Consciousness’ in the Phenomenology.
黑格尔在伯尔尼时期的主要著作是他的所谓《实证性论文》（Positivity Essay）19，一部不断改写却从未完成的著作。这篇论文的主要目的是，说明其福音存在于道德自律之中的基督教，如何堕落为一种实证性的宗教——亦即一种由民间权威所掌控的宗教。为了回答这个问题，黑格尔深入研究了异化这一基础性论题，研究人们为什么会放弃他们自己的自由。黑格尔关于异化的分析，预见了费尔巴哈和马克思，也预见了他后来在《现象学》中关于“苦恼意识”的叙述。
The Berne years were especially formative for Hegel’s political thought. He read the Scottish political economists; and he studied closely at first hand the affairs of the Berne aristocracy, whose nepotism appalled him. True to his republican beliefs and his mission as a Volkslehrer, he decided to expose the despotism of the Bernese by translating a pamplet by J.J. Cart, Lettres confidentielles, which attacked the Bernese aristocracy for depriving the people of the ‘pays de Vaud’ of their native liberties. The pamphlet, published anonymously with Hegel’s notes and introduction, was his first publication.20 More important for the development of Hegel’s political views in the Berne years was his sketch of a liberal political philosophy in some sections of the Positivity Essay. Here Hegel argues that the state has the duty to protect my rights, among which are freedom of speech and conscience as well as security of person and property. Such liberalism did not jibe well with Hegel’s ideal of a civil religion. This tension raised a broader issue of central importance for Hegel’s mature political philosophy: How is it possible to reconcile communitarian ideals with liberal principles?21
伯尔尼时期对黑格尔政治思想的形成有特殊的意义。他阅读了苏格兰政治经济学家的著作；对伯尔尼贵族政治的事务进行了近距离的第一手研究，贵族之间的裙带关系让他大吃一惊。黑格尔忠诚于他的共和信念以及他作为“人民导师”的使命，他决定通过翻译卡特（J. J. Cart）的小册子《密信》（Lettres confidentielles）来揭露伯尔尼的专制。这本小册子攻击伯尔尼贵族政治剥夺了瓦特州地区（pays de Vaud）人民的天赋自由，并附以黑格尔的注释和导论匿名出版，是他的第一份公开出版物。20伯尔尼时期的黑格尔政治观点更重要的发展，是《实证性论文》某些章节中关于一种自由主义政治哲学的草图。在这里，黑格尔主张国家有责任保护个人的权利，其中既包括个人与财产的安全，也包括言论和内心的自由。这种自由主义和黑格尔公民宗教的理想并不完全一致。这一张力引发了一个对黑格尔成熟的政治哲学具有核心重要性的更为广泛的论题：如何可能实现社群主义理想与自由主义原则的和解？21
4 Frankfurt (January 1797–January 1800)
4 法兰克福（1797年1月至1800年1月）
Later in 1796, thanks to the efforts of Hölderlin, Hegel got a post in Frankfurt as a Hofmeister to the family of a rich wine merchant, Johann Gogel. Hölderlin had been in Frankfurt since early 1796, and Hegel rejoiced at the prospect of joining him there. In Frankfurt Hegel recovered his spirits, and was happier with his circumstances. Rather than attempting to save humanity as a Volkserzieher, he became more reconciled with his world. He took part in social life, going to balls, concerts and operas. Living close to Hölderlin, he had constant conversations about philosophy, politics and poetry.
1796年底，由于荷尔德林的努力，黑格尔在法兰克福获得了一个职位，给富裕的葡萄酒商约翰·戈格尔家做家庭教师。1796初，荷尔德林就已经来到法兰克福。黑格尔想到可以和他待在一起，内心就充满喜悦。在法兰克福，黑格尔的精神状态得到恢复，对自己的环境也更加满意。他变得与他的世界更协调一致，不再试图作为人民教师（Volkserzieher）去拯救人类。他融入社会生活，参加舞会、听音乐会和看歌剧。由于和荷尔德林住得很近，他们经常讨论哲学、政治和诗歌。
During the Frankfurt years, Hegel’s thinking about religion and politics underwent a dramatic reversal. In the Berne years Hegel interpreted and criticized religion from the standpoint of the Enlightenment; in the Frankfurt years, however, he defended religion against such criticism and re-interpreted it in more mystical terms. While in Berne Hegel believed he could reform the world according to the principles of reason, in Frankfurt he criticized such idealism and preached reconciliation with history.
法兰克福期间，黑格尔的宗教和政治思想经历了一个戏剧性的逆转。在伯尔尼时期，黑格尔从启蒙的立场阐释和批判宗教；然而，在法兰克福时期，他对抗这种批判而为宗教辩护，并通过一些更神秘的字眼来重新阐释宗教。在伯尔尼时，黑格尔相信他能够按照理性的原则改造世界；在法兰克福时，他批评这种唯心主义，并鼓吹与历史的和解。
The first manuscripts of the Frankfurt period, the Sketches on Religion and Love, which Hegel probably wrote in the summer of 1797, reveal the radical change in Hegel’s thinking. These sketches are attempts to define the distinctive nature of religion, what separates it from metaphysics and morality. Rather than identifying religion with morality, as Hegel had done in Berne, Hegel now finds the essence of religion in the mystical experience of love where subject and object become perfectly identical. The main writing of the Frankfurt years was Hegel’s large manuscript The Spirit of Christianity and its Fate. In many respects, this manuscript is the birthplace of Hegel’s mature philosophy. It is here that Hegel first formulates, if only in nuce, his idea of spirit, his concept of dialectic, his theme of reconciliation, and his organic vision of the world.
法兰克福时期的第一份手稿《论宗教和爱的草稿》，可能是黑格尔在1797年夏天写下的，揭示了黑格尔思想的根本变革。这些草稿试图定义宗教区别于形而上学和道德的独特性质。不再像伯尔尼时期那样把宗教等同于道德，黑格尔现在发现宗教的本质在于爱的神秘经验，在这种经验中主体和客体完美融合在一起。法兰克福时期主要的著作是黑格尔的大部头手稿《基督教的精神及其命运》。从许多方面来说，这部手稿是黑格尔成熟哲学的诞生地。简单来说（In nuce），正是在这里，黑格尔首次制订了他的精神观念、他的辩证法概念、他的和解主题，以及他的有机世界观。
The reversal of the Frankfurt years was in large measure the result of Hegel’s appropriation of early Jena romanticism, of which Hölderlin was an essential contributor and participant. In fundamental respects, Hegel’s thinking adopts the substance of early romanticism: an organic concept of nature, an ethic of love, an appreciation of religious mysticism. Most significantly, he even disputes the Enlightenment principle of the sovereignty of reason, the power of reason to criticize religious belief. Hegel will never depart from the content or substance of the romantic legacy; his main departure from it will be only in terms of its form, in how to demonstrate this substance.
在法兰克福时期的逆转在很大程度上是黑格尔挪用早期耶拿浪漫主义的结果，荷尔德林是这一浪漫主义的重要参与者和贡献者。黑格尔的思想在许多基础性的方面吸取了早期浪漫主义的实质内容：有机的自然概念，爱的伦理学，对宗教神秘主义的激赏。最重要的是，他甚至驳斥了理性统治的启蒙原则，质疑了理性批判宗教信仰的权力。黑格尔将永不背离浪漫主义遗产的内容或实质；他主要的背离将仅仅是形式，就如何证明这一实质而言的。
5 Jena (January 1801–March 1807)
5 耶拿（1801年1月至1807年3月）
After receiving a modest inheritance upon the death of his father, Hegel decided to attempt to realize his hopes for an academic career. He joined his friend Schelling in Jena in January 1801. When Hegel arrived ‘the literary frenzy’ of Jena had already died down, most of its leading lights (Reinhold, Fichte) having left years ago. Hegel became a Privatdozent, his income entirely dependent on student fees; he never achieved there his ambition of becoming a salaried professor.
由于父亲过世而获得一份微薄的遗产之后，黑格尔决定去尝试实现他过学院生活的愿望。1801年1月，他去耶拿加入了他的朋友谢林的行列。当黑格尔到来时，耶拿的“文学热”已经平息，大多数领军人物（莱因霍尔德，费希特）多年前就已经离开。黑格尔成为一名编外讲师，其收入完全依靠学生的学费。在那里，他从未实现成为一名带薪教授的抱负。
Hegel’s resolve to become a university professor marked a significant shift in his intellectual ambitions. He ceased to regard himself as a Volkserzieher who would simply apply philosophical principles to the world; he now saw himself as a philosopher in his own right, devoted to the development of his own system. The reasons for this shift seem to be twofold. First, as a result of political developments, Hegel had lost much of his earlier idealism (see pp. 214–16). Second, he also realized that the Kantian principles he intended to apply were problematic or suspect.
黑格尔决心成为一名大学教授，这标志着他智识抱负上的一个重要转变。他不再把自己视为可以简单地将哲学原则运用于世界的“人民教师”；他现在视哲学为自己的本职工作，专心致志于发展他自己的体系。导致这一转变的原因似乎是双重的。首先，作为政治发展的结果，黑格尔已经失去了他早年的理想主义（参见第214至216页22）。其次，他也认识到他打算应用的康德哲学的原则是成问题或可疑的。
Hegel’s debut in Jena was his first philosophical publication, his so-called Differenzschrift. True to title, this tract explains the basic differences between the systems of Schelling and Fichte; it also defends the thesis that Schelling’s philosophy is superior to Fichte’s. With this thesis Hegel at once ended the old alliance between Fichte and Schelling and forged a new one with Schelling. The Differenzschrift is Hegel’s manifesto for absolute or ‘objective idealism’, a critique of the ‘subjective idealism’ of Kant and Fichte.
黑格尔在耶拿的首次亮相是他第一份哲学出版物，亦即他所谓的《差异论文》（Differenzschrift）。诚如标题所示，这份小册子对费希特与谢林体系之间的基本差别进行解说；它也为这一论点做了辩护，即谢林的哲学优越于费希特。通过这一论断，黑格尔立刻终止了费希特与谢林之间的旧联盟，而锻造了一个他与谢林之间的新联盟。《差别》是黑格尔绝对唯心主义或“客观唯心主义”的宣言，是对康德和费希特“主观唯心主义”的批判。
The formation of the Schelling–Hegel alliance led to their joint editorship of a common journal, the Critical Journal of Philosophy. Some of Hegel’s most important early works are essays from the Journal. They include Faith and Knowledge, Scientific Treatment of Natural Right and the Relation of Skepticism to Philosophy. The Journal lasted only a few issues, beginning in January 1802 and ending in spring 1803. The Schelling–Hegel alliance dissolved when Schelling left Jena in the spring of 1803. It is a mistake to think that Hegel was simply Schelling’s disciple, his ‘stout warrior’ or ‘spear carrier’. This ignores too many basic facts: that Hegel developed the outline of his metaphysics before his arrival in Jena; that Schelling’s own metaphysics underwent crucial changes from 1801 to 1803 due to Hegel’s influence; and that even in the Differenzschrift and Critical Journal Hegel does not hesitate to express views at odds with Schelling’s.
谢林—黑格尔联盟的形成，引导他们共同编辑了一份同仁刊物——《哲学评论杂志》。黑格尔最重要的一些早期著作都是刊载于这份杂志上的论文，其中包括《信仰与知识》《自然法的科学探讨方式》，以及《怀疑论与哲学的关系》等。自1802年1月开始到1803年春末，杂志仅仅维持了为数不多的几期。到了1803年春天谢林离开耶拿时，谢林—黑格尔联盟就解体了。有一种误解，认为黑格尔仅仅是谢林的信徒，是他“勇敢的先锋”或“跑龙套的人”。这种观点忽视了太多的基本事实：黑格尔在到达耶拿之前已经发展出了他的形而上学的纲要；由于黑格尔的影响，谢林自己的形而上学从1801年到1803年经历了至关重要的变化；甚至在《差别》和《评论杂志》中，黑格尔已经毫不犹豫地表达了与谢林不一致的观点。
Throughout the Jena years Hegel struggled, without success, to formulate his own system of philosophy. His lectures were often preliminary accounts of parts of the system.22 These lectures concerned logic and metaphysics, the philosophy of nature, and the philosophy of spirit. There are many surviving drafts of these lectures, the so-called Systementwürfe of 1803/4, 1804/5 and 1805/6.23
整个耶拿时期，黑格尔都在为制订他自己的哲学体系而奋斗，但并不成功。他的讲演经常是对其体系中某些部分的初步叙述。23这些讲演包括逻辑学和形而上学、自然哲学，以及精神哲学。这些讲演的草稿有许多幸存下来，亦即所谓的1803/4，1804/5和1805/6《体系草稿》（Systementwürfe）。24
After Schelling’s departure from Jena, Hegel became more critical of his old colleague. In his 1804/5 Winter Semester lectures he began to criticize Schelling’s views openly and to rethink the foundation of his metaphysics. He rejected Schelling’s attempt to base absolute idealism upon an intellectual intuition and developed instead the idea of a science to lead ordinary consciousness up to the standpoint of philosophy. This line of thought eventually culminated in the Phenomenology of Spirit, Hegel’s self-described ‘journey of self-discovery’, the beginnings of his mature philosophy.
在谢林离开耶拿以后，黑格尔对他的旧同事变得更具批判性了。在1804/5冬季学期的讲演中，他开始公开批评谢林的观点，并重新思考他的形而上学的基础。他拒绝谢林把绝对唯心主义奠基于理智直观（an intellectual intuition）之上的尝试，而替代性地发展了一种引导日常意识上升到哲学立场的科学观念。这一思想路线最终在《精神现象学》（黑格尔自称其为“自我发现的旅程”、黑格尔成熟哲学的开端）中达到其顶峰。
6 Bamberg (March 1807–November 1808)
6 班堡（1807年3月至1808年11月）
After failing to find a salaried professorship in Jena, Hegel became in March 1807 the editor of a small town paper, the Bamberger Zeitung. Hegel was successful at his job, which gave him a nice salary and social status. His newspaper supported the Napoleonic reforms of the Bavarian government, then an ally of the French. Although this job did not fulfil Hegel’s academic aspirations, it did suit his political ideals. Hegel held that the Napoleonic reforms could succeed only if they found broader-based support among the people; a newspaper was the perfect means to create that support.
在耶拿寻找一份带薪的教授职位失败之后，1807年3月黑格尔成为了一份小城报纸《班堡日报》的编辑。黑格尔的工作做得十分出色，这使他薪金丰厚，社会地位大大提高。他的报纸支持拿破仑对巴伐利亚政府的改革，随后支持与法国的结盟。尽管这一工作不能满足黑格尔的学术志向，但更符合他的政治理想。黑格尔认为，只要在人民中间找到基础广泛的支持，拿破仑的改革便能够成功——报纸就是创造这一支持的完美手段。
7 Nuremberg (November 1808–October 1816)
7 纽伦堡（1808年11月至1816年10月）
In November 1808, through the mediation of his friend I.H. Niethammer, the Bavarian minister of education, Hegel became the rector of the Ägidien-Gymnasium in Nuremberg. Here too Hegel proved very successful, both as administrator and teacher. It is noteworthy, however, that he judged the attempt to introduce philosophy into the Gymnasium a failure. In September 1811 Hegel married Marie von Tucher, daughter of a Nuremberg patrician family. Despite his busy life as a rector, Hegel managed to find time to finish his Science of Logic, which he had begun in Jena. He published the first volume in 1812, the second in 1813, and the third in 1816.
1808年11月，通过朋友尼特哈默尔（I. H. Niethammer）——巴伐利亚文教大臣的中介，黑格尔成了纽伦堡阿吉迪恩文科中学（Ägidien-Gymnasium）的校长。在这里，无论是作为管理者，还是作为教师，黑格尔获得了巨大的成功。然而，值得注意的是，他判定把哲学引入文科中学的尝试是一种失败。1811年9月，黑格尔娶了玛丽·冯·图赫尔，纽伦堡一个贵族家庭的女儿。尽管担任校长很忙碌，黑格尔还是设法挤出时间完成了他在耶拿时期已经动笔的《逻辑学》：第一卷出版于1812年，第二卷出版于1813年，第三卷出版于1816年。
8 Heidelberg (October 1816–October 1818)
8 海德堡（1816年10月至1818年10月）
In October 1816 Hegel finally achieved his academic ideal, becoming a professor of philosophy at the University of Heidelberg. When Hegel arrived at Heidelberg, however, the literary scene had already disappeared, just as happened in Jena; he was disappointed by some professors’ hostility toward philosophy and by the students’ purely vocational attitude toward learning. In Heidelberg Hegel gave his first lectures on aesthetics; his 1817/18 lectures on political philosophy there became the basis for his later Philosophy of Right. The most important publication of the Heidelberg years was Hegel’s Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences, a three-volume work, the first exposition of the whole system.
1816年10月，黑格尔终于实现了他的学术理想，成为海德堡大学的一名哲学教授。然而，就像在耶拿发生的情况那样，当黑格尔到达海德堡时，文坛已经消失；一些教授对哲学的敌视，以及学生对待学问的纯粹职业态度，让他感到失望。在海德堡，黑格尔首次讲授了美学；而他1817/18年度的政治哲学讲演则成为后来《法哲学》的基础。海德堡时期，黑格尔最重要的出版物是《哲学科学百科全书》，一部三卷本的著作，首次阐明了一个完整的体系。
9 Berlin (October 1818–November 1831)
9 柏林（1818年10月至1831年11月）
In December 1817 the Prussian minister of education, Karl Altenstein, wrote Hegel to offer him the chair of philosophy, once taken by Fichte, at the new University of Berlin. Altenstein wanted Hegel chiefly because he knew him to be sympathetic to the goals of the Prussian Reform Movement, which had begun in 1807 under the leadership of Baron von Stein. This movement hoped to realize the ideals of the French Revolution by gradual reforms from above. Its ideals were a new constitution ensuring fundamental rights for all citizens, freedom of trade, abolition of feudal privileges, and more local self-government. Hegel was greatly attracted to Berlin chiefly because he shared the ideals of the Reform Movement. Prussia laid great importance upon its new university for the regeneration of Prussian cultural life. In Berlin Hegel knew he would finally find himself in the center of a lively cultural scene, and in a position to have some influence on Prussia’s cultural and political affairs.
1817年12月，普鲁士文教大臣，卡尔·阿尔滕施泰因（Karl Altenstein）写信给黑格尔，在新柏林大学，提供给他一个费希特曾经执教过的哲学教授席位。阿尔滕施泰因想要黑格尔，主要是因为他知道黑格尔同情普鲁士改革运动的目标，这一运动是在冯·斯坦男爵（Baron von Stein）的领导下于1807年开始的。该运动希望通过自上而下的渐进式改革，来实现法国大革命的理想，亦即通过一部新的宪法来确保所有公民的基本权利、贸易自由、废除封建特权，以及更进一步的地方自治。柏林对黑格尔的巨大吸引力主要在于他分享着这一改革运动的理想。普鲁士对它的新大学在更新普鲁士文化生活方面寄以厚望。黑格尔知道，在柏林，他终将进入鲜活文化舞台的中心，并赢得一个可以对普鲁士的文化和政治事务产生一定影响的位置。
Shortly after Hegel’s arrival in Berlin, however, the Reform Movement suffered a serious setback. In 1819 the Prussian government under Friedrich Wilhelm III, fearing radical conspiracies, revoked its plans to introduce a new constitution. It then endorsed the repressive Karlsbad Decrees, which introduced censorship and strict measures against ‘demagogues’. Suspected of subversive activity, some of Hegel’s students were banished or imprisoned; Hegel himself was under police surveillance for some time. Although Hegel endorsed the goals of the Reform Movement, and although he was despised by reactionary circles within the Prussian court, many of his liberal contemporaries suspected him of collusion with the reactionary government. Since he enjoyed the support of Altenstein, and since he had supported the dismissal of two liberal professors, whom he had viciously attacked in the preface of the Philosophy of Right, Hegel seemed to many to endorse a reactionary politics. This was the beginning of one of the oldest Hegel legends: that he was a spokesman for the Prussian restoration.
然而，在黑格尔抵达柏林后不久，改革运动遭受到严重的挫折。1819年，弗里德里希·威廉三世（Friedrich Wilhelm III）领导下的普鲁士政府，出于对激进阴谋的恐惧，撤销了采用一部新宪法的计划。随后，政府签署了镇压性的卡尔斯巴德法令，该法令针对“煽动者”引入了审查制度和各种严厉措施。黑格尔的一些学生由于被怀疑参与颠覆性活动，而遭到流放或监禁；黑格尔自己有一段时间也处于警察的监视之下。尽管黑格尔赞同改革运动的目标，尽管他在普鲁士的法庭上被反动阶层所轻视，许多自由主义的同时代人依然怀疑他和反动政府沆瀣一气。在很多人看来，黑格尔似乎赞同反动政治，因为他很乐于得到阿尔滕施泰因的支持，也因为他支持解雇两名持自由主义思想的教授，并曾在《法哲学》序言中恶意地攻击过他们。这是关于黑格尔的一个老掉牙的传说的开端：黑格尔是普鲁士复辟的代言人。
It was in Berlin that Hegel acquired fame and influence. Although by all accounts Hegel was a poor university lecturer – he stuttered, moved rigidly, gasped for breath, and tirelessly repeated ‘Also’ – his many lectures gained a wide following. On several occasions he held lectures on aesthetics, the history of philosophy, the philosophy of religion, and the philosophy of history. Though Hegel himself never published these lectures, they were recorded by his students, who put them in the first edition of his collected works.
正是在柏林，黑格尔获得了知名度和影响力。尽管据大家所说，黑格尔是一位拙劣的大学讲演者——他说话结巴，举止生硬，气喘吁吁，不厌其烦地重复“因此”（Also）——但是，他的许多讲演赢得了广泛的追随者。他的美学、哲学史、宗教哲学和历史哲学讲演，都举办过好多次。尽管黑格尔自己从未出版过这些讲演稿，但是他的学生把讲演内容记录下来，并收进了黑格尔著作集的第一版中。
Due to his position and success, Hegel finally found time and means to travel. An avid tourist, he made trips to Prague, Vienna, Brussels and Paris. Though he gave many lectures, Hegel published little during the Berlin years. In 1826 he founded a leading journal, Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik, for which he wrote several review articles; he published two new editions of the Encyclopedia (1827, 1830); and he began to rework his Logic, volume I of which appeared in 1832.
由于他的地位和成功，黑格尔终于有了时间和条件去旅行。作为一个狂热的旅行者，他去了布拉格、维也纳、布鲁塞尔和巴黎。尽管黑格尔做了许多讲演，但在柏林期间他出版的著作很少。1826年黑格尔创办了一份居领衔地位的杂志《科学批评年鉴》（Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik），为它写了几篇评论文章；出版了《百科全书》的两个新版本（1827，1830）；并开始重写他的《逻辑学》，其第一卷出版于1832年。
Hegel died suddenly in Berlin on 14 November 1831, according to legend from cholera, but probably from a stomach ailment or gastrointestinal disease. The funeral was a massive procession of Berlin notables and his students. According to his wish, he was buried next to Fichte in the Dorothea cemetery in Berlin.
1831年11月14日，黑格尔突然逝世于柏林，据说是由于霍乱，但可能是由于胃病或胃肠道疾病。葬礼上，柏林的知名人士和他的学生排成长龙。依据他的遗愿，黑格尔被安葬在柏林多罗特娅（Dorothea）公墓，紧挨着费希特。
