The concept of city planninghas always found a ready place in the Soviet ideology of centrally directed socialchange, and Soviet thinkers have long argued that national ownership of landand central planning of the economy are essential to its success. In actuality,however, the achievements of Soviet city planning have fallen far short of theplanners' aspirations, partly because of changing priorities, but also becauseof the failure to find an effective mechanism for controlling the urbanizationprocess. The evolution of the urban general plan as the principal policydocument in urban planning is described to the point in the early 1980s whenwidespread doubts were being voiced about its effectiveness. The changes broughtabout in the latest phase of the Gorbachev administration are then discussed inthe context of radical economic and social measures which promise to change theentire context in which city planning operates and call many of itslong-standing assumptions into question

城市规划的概念在苏联中央指导社会变革的意识形态中始终占据着一席之地，而苏联思想家长期以来一直认为，国家土地所有权和经济的中央规划对城市规划的成功至关重要。然而，实际上，苏联城市规划的成就与规划者的期望相去甚远，部分原因是优先次序的改变，但也因为未能找到控制城市化进程的有效机制。《城市总体规划》作为城市规划中的主要政策文件的演变过程被描述为20世纪80年代初，当时人们普遍对其有效性表示怀疑。戈尔巴乔夫政府最新阶段所带来的变化将在激进的经济和社会措施的背景下进行讨论，这些措施有望改变城市规划运作的整个环境，并使许多长期存在的假设受到质疑

From the very beginning of theSoviet era, the political leaders of the USSR have paid lip service to the ideathat the building of a socialist society demands the construction of a new formof settlement. As early as 1848 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had announced inThe CommunistManifesto that the establishment of a communistsociety would entail 'the gradual abolition of the distinction between town andcountry' and 'a more equable distribution of the population over the country' [1 ] . While the new Bolshevik regime which seized power in

Russia in November 1917 was inno position to move rapidly in this direction, it soon showed itself committedto the principle of radical social change. The nationalization of urban land andof bourgeois property in 1918 laid the basis for transformation in the cities[2]. Soon a significant redistribution of living space was underway to thebenefit of the working class. The direction of future policy was laid down inthe 1919 Party Programme. This committed the regime 'to the improvement of theliving conditions of the working masses, to the elimination of overcrowding andinsanitary conditions in old apartments, to the demolition of bad housing - tothe rational settlement of the workers' [3]. As yet the mechanisms which wouldenable these laudable aims to be realized were hardly available. But it was awidespread assumption that, under the social conditions now prevailing, itwould be possible to build forms of settlement that were radically differentfrom those typical of capitalism. The development of means to implement thesegoals, the problems they gave rise to, and current attempts to improve the situationare the subjects of the present paper.

从苏联时代一开始，苏联政治领导人就口头上支持建设社会主义社会需要建设一种新的定居方式。早在1848年，卡尔·马克思和弗里德里希·恩格斯就在《共产党宣言》中宣布，建立共产主义社会需要“逐步废除城乡差别”和“在全国范围内实现更公平的人口分布”[1]。而在年夺取政权的新布尔什维克政权

1917年11月，俄罗斯无法迅速朝着这个方向前进，它很快就表明自己致力于彻底的社会变革原则。1918年城市土地和资产阶级财产的国有化为城市转型奠定了基础[2]。很快，为了工人阶级的利益，对生活空间进行了重大的重新分配。1919年党的纲领规定了未来政策的方向。该政权致力于“改善劳动群众的生活条件，消除旧公寓的过度拥挤和卫生条件，拆除不良住房——合理安置工人”[3]。迄今为止，几乎没有能够实现这些值得称赞的目标的机制。但人们普遍认为，在目前盛行的社会条件下，有可能建立与典型资本主义截然不同的定居形式。本文件的主题是制定实现这些目标的手段、这些目标带来的问题以及目前改善这种状况的努力。

Evolution of the Soviet city plan

The acceptance by theBolsheviks of city planning as an inherent part of their policy-making processeswas probably inevitable in a regime committed to the notion of guided anddirected social change. City planning had had a small but enthusiastic followingin the prerevolutionary period, and unlike many other professionals relativelyfew city planners and architects emigrated at the time of the Revolution [4].City planning also accorded with the concept of the planned economy now beingadopted by the Bolsheviks [ 5 ] . In the early years, however, theopportunities for putting urban planning concepts into practice were limited bythe underdeveloped character of the economy and the pressing need to put rightthe damage caused by long years of war and civil strife. Nevertheless, Lenin'sGOELRO plan for electrification, announced in 1920, entailed the planning andbuilding of several towns in association with the new power stations. A seriesof regulations was enacted to govern planning activity [6]. Plan projects weredrawn up for such cities as Moscow, Petrograd, Yaroslavl, Yerevan, Novosibirskand Baku, and new housing quarters and examples of experimental architectureappeared in some cities. Planning opportunities greatly expanded with the onsetof the first Five Year Plan period, which began in 1928. The ambitiousindustrialization programme involved the planning and construction of many newindustrial settlements. It was at this period that several celebrated Westernarchitects and town planners, such as Bruno Taut, Ernst May, Hannes Meyer andLe Corbusier, travelled to the USSR and lent their talents to the planning anddesign of many of the new projects [7].

布尔什维克接受城市规划作为其决策过程的固有部分，这在一个致力于引导和引导社会变革的政权中可能是不可避免的。在革命前的时期，城市规划拥有一小部分热情的追随者，与许多其他专业人士不同的是，在革命时期移民的城市规划师和建筑师相对较少[4]。城市规划也符合布尔什维克现在采用的计划经济概念[5]。然而，在最初几年，由于经济不发达和迫切需要纠正长期战争和内乱造成的损害，将城市规划概念付诸实践的机会受到限制。尽管如此，1920年列宁宣布的戈尔罗电气化计划要求规划和建设几个与新电站相关的城镇。制定了一系列法规来管理规划活动[6]。为莫斯科、彼得格勒、雅罗斯拉夫尔、埃里温、新西伯利亚和巴库等城市制定了计划项目，一些城市出现了新的住房区和实验性建筑范例。随着1928年开始的第一个五年计划时期的开始，规划机会大大扩大。雄心勃勃的工业化方案涉及许多新工业区的规划和建设。正是在这一时期，几位著名的西方建筑师和城市规划师，如布鲁诺·塔特、恩斯特·梅、汉内斯·迈耶和勒·柯布西耶，来到苏联，将他们的才华用于许多新项目的规划和设计[7]。

Unfortunately for the future ofthe rapidly changing Soviet settlement system, the frenzy of building thatbegan around 1928 was not guided by any carefully considered policy concerning thefuture of socialist settlement. Throughout the 1920s and into the 1930s theUSSR suffered from a shortage of architects and town planners, and thoseavailable disagreed fundamentally about the future of socialist settlement.Whilst Soviet architects shared with the

Party and government the notionthat architecture had an important role to play in the construction of a newway of life (perestroyka byta) [ 8 ] , their substantive proposals about howthis was to be done differed widely. The Gordian knot was cut by the Sovietleadership, now firmly in the grip of Joseph Stalin. The notorious June 1931 PartyPlenum outlawed any form of utopianism in city planning. This essentiallypragmatic decision had the effect of defining a limited role for city planning,which was henceforth accorded lower priority than economic planning. The pressuresof urbanization were such, however, that urban planning measures could not bediscarded entirely and the June Plenum had to enact policies to try to control thechaotic situation in the biggest cities[9].

不幸的是，对于迅速变化的苏联定居点体系的未来来说，1928年左右开始的疯狂建设并没有受到任何关于社会主义定居点未来的深思熟虑的政策的指导。在整个20世纪20年代到30年代，苏联一直缺乏建筑师和城市规划师，而那些现有的建筑师和城市规划师对社会主义定居点的未来存在根本分歧。而苏联建筑师与党和政府认为建筑在新生活方式的建设中起着重要作用（perestroyka byta）[8]，他们关于如何做到这一点的实质性建议大相径庭。这个棘手的问题被苏联领导层解决了，现在被约瑟夫·斯大林牢牢地控制着。臭名昭著的1931年6月党的全会宣布城市规划中任何形式的乌托邦主义都是非法的。这一基本上是务实的决定产生了界定城市规划有限作用的效果，因此城市规划的优先地位低于经济规划。然而，城市化的压力是如此之大，以至于城市规划措施不能完全放弃，六中全会不得不制定政策，试图控制大城市的混乱局面[9]。

The June 1931 Plenum marked thebeginning of a new phase in Soviet city planning, a phase

in which planning was no longer

to be thought of as an instrument for social change in its own right but as a device to support the programme ofindustrialization and to proclaim the achievements of the Soviet state. Inaccordance with the decisions reached at the Plenum, work soon began on a new'General Plan for the Reconstruction of the City of Moscow', which wascompleted and approved in July, 1935. Moscow's plan was regarded as a model foremulation by other cities, and plan projects were soon being designed forLeningrad, Minsk, Tashkent, Kiev, Irkutsk, Omsk and other centres. The processof plan composition and implementation was interrupted by the Second World War,in the wake of which the emphasis shifted towards the reconstruction ofwar-damaged cities and the building of more housing.

1931年6月的全会标志着苏联城市规划新阶段的开始，这是一个新阶段

在这种情况下，规划不再被视为一种促进社会变革的工具，而是一种支持工业化计划和宣传苏联国家成就的手段。根据全会上达成的决定，很快就开始了一项新的“莫斯科市重建总体计划”的工作，该计划于1935年7月完成并获得批准。莫斯科的计划被视为其他城市效仿的榜样，计划项目很快就在为列宁格勒、明斯克、塔什干、基辅、伊尔库茨克、鄂木斯克和其他中心设计。第二次世界大战中断了计划的制定和执行过程，之后重点转向重建受战争破坏的城市和建造更多的住房。

By the end of the Stalinperiod, the urban general plan, with the 1935 Moscow plan as the model,occupied a central position in Soviet urban planning. City planning itself hadbecome more systematized than in the past and, in theory at least, conductedaccording to procedures specified by the national authorities. At the same timeit suffered from some serious disadvantages [ 10]. It was still a low-priorityarea afflicted by inadequate investment and poorly trained personnel, beingviewed mainly as an adjunct to the industrialization drive. Its early humanitarianaims were increasingly swamped by short-term, pragmatic considerations, and thegoal of seeking a distinctively socialist settlement form was lost sight of.The emphasis was placed firmly upon patriotic and propagandistic themes asdemonstrated by the resort to monumental architecture. In spite of the attemptsto centralize and systematize, city planning suffered from the profusion ofoften small and conflicting planning organizations. Perhaps of greatestsignificance for the future was the apparent failure of the urban general planto control the urbanization process in the desired fashion. However, thisfailure was probably obscured in the short term by the destruction and chaos ofthe World War.

到斯大林时期结束时，以1935年莫斯科计划为模式的城市总体规划在苏联城市规划中占据了中心地位。城市规划本身比过去更加系统化，至少在理论上，是按照国家当局规定的程序进行的。同时，它也有一些严重的缺点[10]。它仍然是一个低优先领域，受到投资不足和人员培训不足的影响，主要被视为工业化进程的附属品。其早期的人道主义目标越来越被短期、务实的考虑所淹没，而寻求独特的社会主义解决形式的目标也被忽视了。重点坚定地放在爱国主义和宣传主题上，这一点通过采用纪念性建筑表现出来。尽管试图集中化和系统化，但城市规划仍然受到大量小型和相互冲突的规划组织的影响。也许对未来最重要的是，城市总体规划显然未能以理想的方式控制城市化进程。然而，这一失败可能在短期内被世界大战的破坏和混乱所掩盖。

A new phase in the developmentof Soviet urban planning was introduced by Khrushchev in the mid-1950s. Alarmedby the acute housing shortages which were the product of the

Stalin years and by the waySoviet living standards lagged behind those in the West, Khrushchev launched anambitious housing programme designed to ease the worst of the housing shortageswithin 10 to 15 years [11]. The housing programme was accompanied by policiesdesigned to raise living standards in other ways: by providing more consumergoods, building more shops and facilities, and expanding urban services in allkinds of ways.

Naturally enough these policiesplaced enormous strains on the urban planning system and on other aspects ofurban administration. Years of neglect of urban planning as a profession meantacute shortages of skilled and experienced personnel, many cities still lackedapproved urban plans and the city Soviets (local councils) were often powerlessto enforce planning provisions.

20世纪50年代中期，赫鲁晓夫引入了苏联城市规划发展的新阶段。对经济衰退造成的严重住房短缺感到震惊

在斯大林时代，苏联的生活水平落后于西方，赫鲁晓夫启动了一项雄心勃勃的住房计划，旨在在10到15年内缓解最严重的住房短缺[11]。住房方案伴随着旨在以其他方式提高生活水平的政策：提供更多的消费品，建造更多的商店和设施，以各种方式扩大城市服务。

当然，这些政策给城市规划系统和城市管理的其他方面带来了巨大的压力。多年来，城市规划作为一种职业被忽视，这意味着熟练和有经验的人员严重短缺，许多城市仍然缺乏经批准的城市规划，城市苏维埃（地方议会）往往无力执行规划规定。

Urban administration sufferedfrom a host of ancillary problems: lack of finance and of legal powers, anunderdeveloped and insufficiently coordinated construction industry, inadequateinvestment by the national authorities. Obviously many of these problems could notbe rectified overnight, and in the meantime the housing programme was conductedwithout the aid of a proper planning framework.

In the latter part of theKhruschev period, which ended in 1964, and on into the era of Brezhnev, thatplanning framework was gradually elaborated. At national level the setting up ofa State Committee of Civil Construction and Architecture(Gosgrazhdanstroy) in1963

(subordinated to the StateConstruction Committee orGosstroy) provided an organization, or

rather a network oforganizations, furnished with the task of researching, supervising,standardizing and coordinating urban and rural planning. At republican and locallevels planning agencies were gradually staffed with newly qualified plannersand architects. The process of composing general plans was accelerated. By 1974it could be claimed that 'the overwhelming majority of towns and populatedplaces and also 70% of the central settlements of state and collective farmsare now furnished with general plans and projects of planning and construction'[ 12]. About the same time an official publication of Gosgrazhdanstroy claimedthat plans had been compiled for 1976 cities (or 97%) and 1600 urban-typesettlements (about 43%) [ 13].

Proper procedures were laiddown to ensure that the long-term general plans were approved by theappropriate government bodies at national or republican level in order to endowthem with the force of law. The comprehensive planning regulations and normsissued by Gosgrazhdanstroy were revised to make them more applicable tochanging local circumstances [14].

城市管理面临着一系列附带问题：缺乏资金和法律权力，建筑业不发达和协调不足，国家当局投资不足。显然，其中许多问题不可能在一夜之间得到纠正，与此同时，住房方案的实施没有适当的规划框架的帮助。

在1964年结束的赫鲁晓夫时期的后半段，直到勃列日涅夫时代，这一规划框架逐渐得到阐述。在国家一级，1963年成立了国家民用建筑和建筑委员会（Gosgrazhdanstroy）

（隶属于国家建设委员会或政府）提供的组织，或

而是一个组织网络，担负着研究、监督、规范和协调城乡规划的任务。在共和党和地方一级，规划机构逐渐配备了新的合格规划师和建筑师。总体规划编制进程加快。到1974年，可以说“绝大多数城镇和人口密集地区以及70%的国家和集体农场中央定居点现在都有总体规划和规划建设项目”[12]。大约在同一时间，Gosgrazhdanstroy的一份官方出版物声称，已经为1976年的城市（或97%）和1600个城市类型的定居点（约43%）编制了规划[13]。

制定了适当的程序，以确保长期总体规划得到国家或共和国一级适当政府机构的批准，从而赋予其法律效力。Gosgrazhdanstroy发布的综合规划条例和规范进行了修订，使其更适用于不断变化的当地环境[14]。

 By the mid to late1970s, therefore, a reasonably comprehensive urban planning system had beendeveloped and extended to all parts of the country and to most levels in thesettlement hierarchy, including many rural settlements [15]. The urban generalplan was the central policy document in the planning of the city, the guidinginstrument for the control of land use, the physical infrastructure andassociated social policy. It was now being supplemented by other types ofplanning document: long-term projections for the settlement system, regionaland district physical plans, thematic plans dealing with a particular problemat the scale of the individual city (for example, housing, public transport oropen space provision) and other plan documents [ 16]. The elaboration of urbanplans was accompanied by attempts to provide closer interlinkages withsocio-economic planning to coordinate the many plans influencing the life ofthe city and to give the city Soviets more power to implement them [ 17].

By placing greater emphasis onsocial planning, the authorities hoped that such prevailing social problems aslabour shortages, low labour productivity, high labour turnover, absenteeism,juvenile crime and consumer dissatisfaction would be counteracted by making thecity a more humane environment in which to live[18].

因此，到了20世纪70年代中后期，一个合理全面的城市规划体系已经发展并扩展到全国各地和居住区等级的大多数层次，包括许多农村居住区[15]。城市总体规划是城市规划中的中央政策文件，是控制土地使用、有形基础设施和相关社会政策的指导工具。目前，其他类型的规划文件正在对其进行补充：定居点系统的长期预测、区域和地区实体规划、处理单个城市规模特定问题的专题规划（例如，住房、公共交通或开放空间供应）和其他规划文件[16]。在制定城市规划的同时，还试图与社会经济规划建立更紧密的联系，以协调影响城市生活的许多规划，并赋予城市苏维埃更大的实施权力[17]。

通过更加强调社会规划，当局希望通过使城市成为一个更加人性化的居住环境来应对劳动力短缺、劳动生产率低、劳动力流动率高、旷工、青少年犯罪和消费者不满等普遍存在的社会问题[18]。